Changes in attitudes towards war and violence after September 11, 2001

Effects of Mass Shootings on Mental Illness Stigma in the United States

Although the vast majority of people with mental illness (PWMI) are not violent, Americans tend to think they are more dangerous than the general population. Because negative media portrayals may contribute to stigma, we used time-series analyses to examine changes in the public's perceived dangerousness of PWMI around six mass shootings whose perpetrators were reported to have a mental illness. From 2011 to 2019, 38,094 U.S. participants completed an online study assessing implicit and explicit perceived dangerousness of PWMI. There were large, upward spikes in perceived dangerousness the week of the Sandy Hook mass shooting that were relatively short-lived. However, there was not a consistent pattern of effects for other events analyzed, and any other spikes observed were smaller. Effects tended to be larger for explicit versus implicit perceived dangerousness. Sandy Hook seemed to temporarily worsen perceived dangerousness of PWMI, but this pattern was not observed for other mass shootings.

Public Reactions to Male Versus Female Terrorism: Experimental Evidence for the Male Warrior Hypothesis

One of the most consistent findings in the domain of criminal justice is that female and male offenders are perceived differently, often resulting in milder sentencing of women compared to men. Although previous studies have sought to identify factors that shape public reactions to terrorism and support for harsh interrogation techniques in its aftermath, empirical studies on differential reactions to female (vs. male) terrorist violence remain scarce. Here, it is argued that the often-violent evolutionary history of our species has shaped the way in which we perceive and react to female (vs. male) terrorist violence. Based on the framework of coalitional psychology-and specifically, the male warrior hypothesis-the assumption is tested that terror-suspect sex, in interaction with other threat cues such as in- or out-group membership and size of coalition, affects support for interrogational torture. This prediction was tested by conducting a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of 2,126 U.S. adults. Results demonstrated that terror-suspect sex significantly shapes reactions to and perceptions of terrorist violence. Further, nuanced responses based on respondent sex revealed that these associations were exclusively driven by male participants. Gender attitudes and mere punitiveness did not account for the findings, suggesting that male coalitional psychology is deeply ingrained and readily activated by cues implying intergroup conflict.

Collective memory as tool for intergroup conflict: The case of 9/11 commemoration

We apply a cultural psychology approach to collective memory of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. In particular, we considered whether practices associated with commemoration of the 9/11 terrorist attacks would promote vigilance (prospective affordance hypothesis) and misattribution of responsibility for the original 9/11 attacks (reconstructive memory hypothesis) in an ostensibly unrelated context of intergroup conflict during September 2015. In Study 1, vigilance toward Iran and misattribution of responsibility for the 9/11 attacks to Iranian sources was greater among participants whom we asked about engagement with 9/11 commemoration than among participants whom we asked about engagement with Labor Day observations. Results of Study 2 suggested that patterns of greater vigilance and misattribution as a function of instructions to recall engagement with 9/11 commemoration were more specifically true only of participants who reported actual engagement with hegemonic commemoration practices. From a cultural psychological perspective, 9/11 commemoration is a case of collective memory not merely because it implicates collective-level (versus personal) identities, but instead because it emphasizes mediation of motivation and action via engagement with commemoration practices and other cultural tools.

Are attitudes toward peace and war the two sides of the same coin? Evidence to the contrary from a French validation of the Attitudes Toward Peace and War Scale

Bizumic et al. (2013) have recently shown that attitudes towards peace and war reflect two distinct constructs rather than two poles of a single dimension. We present an attempt at validating the French version of their 16-item Attitudes toward Peace and War Scale (APWS) on five distinct (mainly Belgian) French-speaking samples (total N = 808). Confirmatory factor and criterion validity analyses confirmed that attitudes toward peace and war, although negatively related, are distinct in terms of their antecedents and consequences. On the one hand, antecedents of attitudes toward peace included egalitarian ideological beliefs and empathic concern for others, and consequences included intentions to engage in pro-peace behaviors. On the other hand, antecedents of attitudes toward war included national identification and authoritarian ideological beliefs, and consequences included intentions to engage in pro-war behaviors. Furthermore, both attitudes toward peace and war were, respectively, negatively and positively related to (a right-wing) political orientation. Unexpectedly however, attitudes toward war were positively related to nonegalitarian ideological beliefs and were not related to personal distress. Scores on the translated scale were unrelated to socially desirable responding. In terms of known-groups validity, men had, respectively, more and less positive attitudes toward war and peace than women. Finally, based on exploratory factor analyses, the inclusion of some items for the factorial structure of the measure is questioned and a shortened form of the measure is validated. Overall, these findings are in line with Bizumic et al. and suggest that attitudes toward peace and war also reflect two distinct constructs in a French-speaking population.

Personality and aggression: A contribution of the General Aggression Model

Abstract The aim of the study was to identify the direct and indirect existing relationship among personality traits on aggression of high school and undergraduate students from the city of João Pessoa, Brazil, using the General Aggression Model as the theoretical framework. The sample consisted of 218 students, of which 107 were high school students and 111 undergraduate students. The instruments used for data collection were as follows: Aggression Questionnaire, the Big Five Inventory and a Socio-Demographic Questionnaire. The main results showed direct effects of neuroticism (+), extraversion (+) and agreeableness (-) in physical aggression. On the other hand, indirect effects of neuroticism (+), opening (+) and agreeableness (-) in physical aggression, mediated by aggressive emotions have been found. These findings are discussed based on previous research and the General Aggression Model along with suggestions of research which have been conducted in an attempt to further knowledge in this area.

The Contagion of Interstate Violence: Reminders of Historical Interstate (but Not Intrastate) Violence Increase Support for Future Violence Against Unrelated Third-Party States

Five experiments investigated the war contagion phenomenon in the context of international relations, hypothesizing that reminders of past inter- (but not intra-) state war will increase support for future, unrelated interstate violence. After being reminded of the Korean War as an interstate rather than intrastate conflict, South Koreans showed stronger support for violent responses to new, unrelated interstate tensions (Study 1). Replicating this war contagion effect among Americans, we demonstrated that it was mediated by heightened perceived threat from, and negative images of, a fictitious country unrelated to the past war (Study 2), and moderated by national glorification (Study 3). Study 4, using another international conflict in the U.S. history, provided further conceptual replication. Finally, Study 5 included a baseline in addition to the inter- versus intrastate manipulation, yielding further support for the generalized effect of past interstate war reminders on preferences for aggressive approaches to new interstate tensions.

Youth Exposed to Terrorism: the Moderating Role of Ideology

The present review examines the moderating role of ideology on the effects of war, armed conflict, and terrorism on youth. Ideology is an important factor given the central role played by religio-political ideology and nationalism in present-day conflicts. Ideologies or worldviews represent cognitive frameworks that imbue the traumatic situation with meaning and order. Analysis of the pool of studies identified three categories of ideologically based moderating factors, each representing an aspect of social construction of traumatic events, namely, religion, political ideology, and self-concept. The two closely related categories of religion and politico-religious beliefs showed both positive and negative effects on psychological and psychiatric outcomes among youth. The third category of different aspects of self-concept yielded consistently positive moderating effects. The mechanisms by which each category of ideology moderates effects of exposure to war, armed conflict, and terrorism are discussed, and research and clinical implications are presented.

The Longitudinal Effects of Chronic Mediated Exposure to Political Violence on Ideological Beliefs About Political Conflicts Among Youths

This study examines the effects of chronic (i.e., repeated and cumulative) mediated exposure to political violence on ideological beliefs regarding political conflict. It centers on these effects on young viewers, from preadolescents to adolescents. Ideological beliefs refers here to support of war, perception of threat to one's nation, and normative beliefs concerning aggression toward the out-group. A longitudinal study was conducted on a sample of Israeli and Palestinian youths who experience the Israeli-Palestinian conflict firsthand (N = 1,207). Two alternative hypotheses were tested: that chronic exposure via the media increases support for war and aggression and elevates feeling of threat, or that chronic exposure via the media strengthens preexisting beliefs. Results demonstrated that higher levels of exposure were longitudinally related to stronger support for war. Regarding normative beliefs about aggression and threat to one's nation, mediated exposure reinforced initial beliefs, rendering the youths more extreme in their attitudes. These results mostly support the conceptualization of the relation between media violence and behaviors as "reciprocally determined" or "reinforcing spirals." The results are also discussed in light of the differences found between the effect of exposure to political violence firsthand and exposure via the media.

Trait aggression in two representative U.S. surveys: Testing the generalizability of college samples

Aggression research often relies upon convenient samples with unknown generalizability to populations of interest, potentially threatening external validity. This article details the measurement properties of the Buss-Perry Aggression Questionnaire Short Form (BPAQ-SF) and its subscales in two nationally representative U.S. samples (N = 924) and a concurrent study with U.S. college students (N = 384). The results provide useful benchmarks for generalizing BPAQ-SF results from convenient samples to U.S. adults, including distributions, reliability, and factor structure. The results also confirm basic relationships between trait aggression and key social and demographic variables such as sex, age, and socioeconomic status while establishing convergent validity with violent political attitudes. Results from the national studies closely align with those from the student sample, providing reasonable support for generalizing trait aggression elements to U.S. adults. Aggr. Behav. Aggr. Behav. 42:171-188, 2015. © 2014 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

The Effects of Mediated Exposure to Ethnic-Political Violence on Middle East Youth's Subsequent Post-Traumatic Stress Symptoms and Aggressive Behavior

This study introduces the concept of chronic (i.e., repeated and cumulative) mediated exposure to political violence and investigates its effects on aggressive behavior and post-traumatic stress (PTS) symptoms in young viewers. Embracing the risk-matrix approach, these effects are studied alongside other childhood risk factors that influence maladjustment. A longitudinal study was conducted on a sample of youth who experience the Israeli-Palestinian conflict firsthand (N = 1,207). As hypothesized, higher levels of chronic mediated exposure were longitudinally related to higher levels of PTS symptoms and aggression at peers independently of exposure to violence in other contexts. In the case of aggressive behavior, structural equation analysis (SEM) analyses suggest that, while it is likely there are causal effects in both directions, the bigger effect is probably for exposure to violence stimulating aggression than for aggression stimulating exposure to violence. Both the longitudinal effects on aggression and PTS symptoms were especially strong among youth who demonstrated initially higher levels of the same type of maladjustment. These results support the conceptualization of the relation between media violence and behaviors as "reciprocally determined" or "downward spirals" and highlight the contribution of the risk-matrix approach to the analysis of childhood maladjustment.

Reactions to media violence: it's in the brain of the beholder

Media portraying violence is part of daily exposures. The extent to which violent media exposure impacts brain and behavior has been debated. Yet there is not enough experimental data to inform this debate. We hypothesize that reaction to violent media is critically dependent on personality/trait differences between viewers, where those with the propensity for physical assault will respond to the media differently than controls. The source of the variability, we further hypothesize, is reflected in autonomic response and brain functioning that differentiate those with aggression tendencies from others. To test this hypothesis we pre-selected a group of aggressive individuals and non-aggressive controls from the normal healthy population; we documented brain, blood-pressure, and behavioral responses during resting baseline and while the groups were watching media violence and emotional media that did not portray violence. Positron Emission Tomography was used with [18F]fluoro-deoxyglucose (FDG) to image brain metabolic activity, a marker of brain function, during rest and during film viewing while blood-pressure and mood ratings were intermittently collected. Results pointed to robust resting baseline differences between groups. Aggressive individuals had lower relative glucose metabolism in the medial orbitofrontal cortex correlating with poor self-control and greater glucose metabolism in other regions of the default-mode network (DMN) where precuneus correlated with negative emotionality. These brain results were similar while watching the violent media, during which aggressive viewers reported being more Inspired and Determined and less Upset and Nervous, and also showed a progressive decline in systolic blood-pressure compared to controls. Furthermore, the blood-pressure and brain activation in orbitofrontal cortex and precuneus were differentially coupled between the groups. These results demonstrate that individual differences in trait aggression strongly couple with brain, behavioral, and autonomic reactivity to media violence which should factor into debates about the impact of media violence on the public.

Apples, Oranges, and the Burden of Proof – Putting Media Violence Findings Into Context

In this comment on Elson and Ferguson (2013) , areas of agreement are noted in terms of the need to thoroughly and scientifically document the boundary conditions under which violent video games most impact players. However it is argued, in contrast to Elson and Ferguson, that violent media generally (and violent video games specifically) can and do increase the likelihood of aggressive behavior and desensitization to violence, and are linked to increases in aggressive attitudes and beliefs. It is also argued that research findings demonstrating these violent video game effects must be considered in terms of both the known impacts of other types of media on human thoughts and behavior, and well-documented psychological processes that have been empirically demonstrated to underlie the acquisition of all types of social behavior, not just aggression. To this end, evidence is provided that other types of media such as advertising are shown to clearly impact human psychology, and psychological mechanisms that potentially underlie media violence effects are discussed. It is further noted that there are no clearly evident reasons as to why violent video games should impact thoughts and behavior less than other media or be subject to different psychological processes. When the research evidence is considered in these contexts, it is concluded that the above-mentioned impacts of violent media exposure on human thought and behavior (including those of violent digital games) are demonstrated to two levels of proof – on the balance of probabilities and beyond reasonable doubt.

Attitudes toward violence scale: psychometric properties with a high school sample

Youth violence represents a serious problem affecting individuals, communities, and the larger society. Greater efforts aimed at the eradication of youth violence are necessary, and work in this field could be enhanced by psychometrically strong measures. The present study examined the factor structure of the Attitudes Toward Violence Scale (ATV) using exploratory factor analysis (EFA) with a sample of 359 high school students. A three-factor structure was identified. The three factors were invariant across sex, however, males obtained significantly higher scores on the three ATV factors and on the ATV total score showing generally moderate effect sizes. Directions for future research with the ATV are discussed.

Modification and psychometric evaluation of the Peterson War Scale

A measure on attitudes toward war was administered to 125 student participants at a California university to assess psychometric properties for this scale for possible use in current research. A 5-point scale was substituted for the 2-point one originally. Item analysis indicated 23 of 32 items were viable. Using Cronbach reliability coefficient alpha and factor analysis, the shortened measure had an internal consistency reliability of .85. Factor analysis yielded a 4-factor structure: (1) War is Bad, (2) War is Necessary, (3) Positive Aspects of War, and (4) No Justification. These results indicate this seemingly outdated measure of war attitudes remains useful for current research purposes involving measuring attitudes toward war. However, longitudinal research is necessary.