Risk of violence from the man involved in the pregnancy after receiving or being denied an abortion

Abortion Law Changes and Occupational Therapy Practice in the United States

IMPORTANCE

The U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in 2022, changing access to abortion in many states. The impact of these changes on occupational therapy practice has not yet been explored through empirical research.

OBJECTIVE

To explore the perspectives of occupational therapy practitioners on how restrictions to abortion in the United States may have influenced their clients' needs and thus their practice.

DESIGN

This was a qualitative research study. We used an interpretivist epistemological approach and an inductive, thematic content analysis. Participants were recruited through state occupational therapy associations and social media. Two independent researchers coded data and had an initial agreement percentage of 88%. Data trustworthiness was enhanced through documentation of decisions, reflexive thinking about our positionality and the data, and team-based discussions.

PARTICIPANTS

Occupational therapy practitioners (N = 15) working in states with new abortion law changes at the time of interviews.

RESULTS

The four key themes of this study were as follows: (1) abortion restriction laws are affecting some occupational therapy clients' mental health, (2) clients are discussing reproductive health with occupational therapy practitioners across a variety of settings, (3) occupational therapy practitioners are using clinical judgment and their personal beliefs to support clients affected by abortion restrictions, and (4) occupational therapy practitioners are seeking guidance and evidence-based resources to best support clients in the wake of abortion-related legislation changes.

CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE

Our findings underscore the relevance of reproductive health to occupational therapy practice and highlight the importance of preparing occupational therapy practitioners to respond to client needs related to abortion care. Plain-Language Summary: We sought to determine whether occupational therapy practitioners perceive that the 2022 abortion-related restrictions are affecting occupational therapy practice; specifically, we wanted to know whether and how practice is being affected and what resources occupational therapy practitioners might need to address clients' needs. Fifteen occupational therapy practitioners were interviewed and revealed that many of their clients were experiencing stress and anxiety (i.e., mental health challenges) specifically related to abortion access. We also found that occupational therapy practitioners who routinely discuss reproductive health with clients were commonly hearing from clients about abortion-related needs. Overall, this research uncovers a need for resources and guidance from state or national occupational therapy organizations so that occupational therapy practitioners can better support their clients given these new changes in abortion access. Positionality Statement: We are a team of three researchers who identify as cisgender women, and we reside in an urban area in the northeastern United States. Two of us identify as White, and one identifies as a person of color. We have all participated in reproductive health access advocacy and critically examined our own lenses as we engaged in this analysis.

Abortion and Mental Health and Wellbeing: A Contemporary Review of the Literature

PURPOSEOF REVIEW

This review discusses the importance of abortion care and access for mental wellbeing for people seeking abortion, abortion providers, and trainees. The recent Dobbs v. Jackson case has jeopardized the physical and mental health of millions.

RECENT FINDINGS

Much of the data regarding mental health impacts of abortion access comes from the Turnaway Study. This study supports that abortion does not cause negative mental health effects and being denied abortion is detrimental to mental health, physical health, and has negative socioeconomic impacts. Other recent studies support that the Dobbs decision continues to disproportionately harm historically marginalized groups. Additionally, there is more anxiety and depression reported in states with abortion restrictions. Many obstetrician gynecologists are moving away from restricted states and report moral distress due to restrictions. Many medical students are choosing not to apply to obstetrics and gynecology residency programs in states with abortion restrictions. Access to abortion care is important for mental and physical health, and socioeconomic well-being for people seeking abortion. Restrictive bans negatively affect people seeking abortion, as well as healthcare providers and trainees.

The role (and limits) of developmental neuroscience in determining adolescents' autonomy rights: The case for reproductive and voting rights

Neuroscientific evidence documenting continued neural development throughout adolescence has been leveraged in advocacy for more lenient treatment of adolescents in the criminal justice system. In recent years, developmental science, including neuroscience, has progressed and enabled more nuanced interpretations of what continuing neural development in adolescence likely means functionally for adolescents' capabilities. However, oversimplified interpretations equating continuing neural development to overall "immaturity" are frequently used to make the case that adolescents should have fewer legal rights to make decisions on their own behalf, including regarding reproductive and voting rights. Here we address ongoing debates about adolescents' autonomy rights and whether such rights should be expanded or restricted. We review extant neuroscientific and developmental research that can inform these debates. We call for: (1) a more nuanced application of developmental neuroscience to specific rights issues in specific contexts; (2) additional research designed to inform our understanding of the developmental benefits or harms of rights-based policies on young people over time; and (3) the grounding of developmental neuroscientific research on adolescents within a human rights framework. We offer suggestions to developmental and neuroscience scholars on how to discuss the science of adolescent development with those seeking guidance in their design of law and policy.

Navigating the Impact of the Dobbs Decision: Perspectives from Pediatric Surgeons on Reproductive Healthcare

Nationwide abortion restrictions resulting from the Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization (2022) decision have generated confusion and uncertainty among healthcare professionals, with concerns for liability impacting clinical decision-making and outcomes. The impact on pediatric surgery can be seen in prenatal counseling for fetal anomaly cases, counseling for fetal intervention, and recommendations for pregnant children and adolescents who seek termination. It is essential that all physicians and healthcare team members understand the legal implications on their clinical practices, engage with resources and organizations that can help navigate these circumstances, and consider advocating for patients and themselves. Pediatric surgeons must consider the impact of these changing laws on their ability to provide comprehensive and ethical care and counseling to all patients.

Effectiveness of the Addressing Reproductive Coercion in Health Settings (ARCHES) intervention among abortion clients in Bangladesh: a cluster-randomized controlled trial

Background

The Addressing Reproductive Coercion in Health Settings (ARCHES) intervention trains existing providers to address reproductive coercion (RC) and intimate partner violence (IPV) within routine family planning counseling. This study evaluated the effectiveness of a single ARCHES counseling session as adapted for use with abortion clients in Bangladesh.

Methods

In this cluster-randomized controlled trial conducted between January 2019 and January 2021, health facilities with an abortion clinic with infrastructure for private counseling and onsite violence support services were eligible. Six facilities in Bangladesh met inclusion criteria, and matched pairs randomization with parallel assignment and a 1:1 allocation ratio was used to randomize three facilities to ARCHES and three facilities to control, which implemented standard counseling. Blinding was not possible as providers in intervention facilities participated in a three-day ARCHES training. Participants were abortion clients aged 18-49 years who could provide safe recontact information and be interviewed privately. The primary outcome was past three-month modern contraceptive use without interruption or interference. The trial was registered on clinicaltrials.gov (NCT03539315) on 29 May 2018.

Findings

A total of 1492 intervention participants and 1237 control participants were enrolled. Available data were analyzed at each follow-up period: 1331 intervention and 1069 control participants at the three-month follow-up, and 1269 intervention and 1050 control participants at the twelve-month follow-up. ARCHES was associated with higher likelihood of modern contraceptive use at the three-month follow-up (adjusted RR = 1.08, 95% CI: 1.06-1.10) and the twelve-month follow-up (adjusted RR = 1.06, 95% CI: 1.02-1.10). ARCHES was also associated with decreased incident pregnancy, decreased IPV, and increased knowledge of IPV support services.

Interpretation

The ARCHES intervention is effective in increasing post-abortion modern contraceptive use and decreasing incident pregnancy and IPV among abortion clients in Bangladesh. Implementation of ARCHES should be considered in facilities with sufficient privacy for counseling.

Funding

Society of Family Planning (#SFPRF11-07) and Ipas.

Societal implications of the Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization decision

On June 24, 2022, the US Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization marked the removal of the constitutional right to abortion in the USA, introducing a complex ethical and legal landscape for patients and providers. This shift has had immediate health and equity repercussions, but it is also crucial to examine the broader impacts on states, health-care systems, and society as a whole. Restrictions on abortion access extend beyond immediate reproductive care concerns, necessitating a comprehensive understanding of the ruling's consequences across micro and macro levels. To mitigate potential harm, it is imperative to establish a research agenda that informs policy making and ensures effective long-term monitoring and reporting, addressing both immediate and future impacts.

State-Level Analysis of Intimate Partner Violence, Abortion Access, and Peripartum Homicide: Call for Screening and Violence Interventions for Pregnant Patients

BACKGROUND

Despite representing 4% of the global population, the US has the fifth highest number of intentional homicides in the world. Peripartum people represent a unique and vulnerable subset of homicide victims. This study aimed to understand the risk factors for peripartum homicide.

STUDY DESIGN

We used data from the 2018 to 2020 National Violent Death Reporting System to compare homicide rates of peripartum and nonperipartum people capable of becoming pregnant (12 to 50 years of age). Peripartum was defined as currently pregnant or within 1-year postpartum. We additionally compared state-level peripartum homicide rates between states categorized as restrictive, neutral, or protective of abortion. Pearson's chi-square and Wilcoxon rank-sum tests were used.

RESULTS

There were 496 peripartum compared with 8,644 nonperipartum homicide victims. The peripartum group was younger (27.4 ± 71 vs 33.0 ± 9.6, p < 0.001). Intimate partner violence causing the homicide was more common in the peripartum group (39.9% vs 26.4%, p < 0.001). Firearms were used in 63.4% of homicides among the peripartum group compared with 49.5% in the comparison (p < 0.001). A significant difference was observed in peripartum homicide between states based on policies regarding abortion access (protective 0.37, neutral 0.45, restrictive 0.64; p < 0.01); the same trend was not seen with male homicides.

CONCLUSIONS

Compared with nonperipartum peers, peripartum people are at increased risk for homicide due to intimate partner violence, specifically due to firearm violence. Increasing rates of peripartum homicide occur in states with policies that are restrictive to abortion access. There is a dire need for universal screening and interventions for peripartum patients. Research and policies to reduce violence against pregnant people must also consider the important role that abortion access plays in protecting safety.

States' Abortion Laws Associated With Intimate Partner Violence-Related Homicide Of Women And Girls In The US, 2014-20

Women who are pregnant or recently gave birth are significantly more likely to be killed by an intimate partner than nonpregnant, nonpostpartum women of reproductive age, implicating the risk of fatal violence conferred by pregnancy itself. The rapidly increasing passage of state legislation has restricted or banned access to abortion care across the US. We used the most recent and only source of population-based data to examine the association between state laws that restrict access to abortion and trends in intimate partner violence-related homicide among women and girls ages 10-44 during the period 2014-20. Using robust difference-in-differences ecologic modeling, we found that enforcement of each additional Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers (TRAP) law was associated with a 3.4 percent increase in the rate of intimate partner violence-related homicide in this population. We estimated that 24.3 intimate partner violence-related homicides of women and girls ages 10-44 were associated with TRAP laws implemented in the states and years included in this analysis. Assessment of policies that restrict access to abortion should consider their potential harm to reproductive-age women through the risk for violent death.

Restrictive abortion legislation and adverse mental health during pregnancy and postpartum

PURPOSE

To determine the impact of abortion legislation on mental health during pregnancy and postpartum and assess whether pregnancy intention mediates associations.

METHODS

We quantified associations between restrictive abortion laws and stress, depression symptoms during and after pregnancy, and depression diagnoses after pregnancy using longitudinal data from Nurses' Health Study 3 in 2010-2017 (4091 participants, 4988 pregnancies) using structural equation models with repeated measures, controlling for sociodemographics, prior depression, state economic and sociopolitical measures (unemployment rate, gender wage gap, Gini index, percentage of state legislatures who are women, Democratic governor).

RESULTS

Restrictive abortion legislation was associated with unintended pregnancies (β = 0.127, p = 0.02). These were, in turn, associated with increased risks of stress and depression symptoms during pregnancy (total indirect effects β = 0.035, p = 0.03; β = 0.029, p = 0.03, respectively, corresponding <1% increase in probability), but not after pregnancy.

CONCLUSIONS

Abortion restrictions are associated with higher proportions of unintended pregnancies, which are associated with increased risks of stress and depression during pregnancy.

Sampling strategies among studies of barriers to abortion in the United States: A scoping review of abortion access research

OBJECTIVES

Understanding barriers to abortion care is particularly important post-Dobbs. However, many abortion access studies recruit from abortion-providing facilities, which overlook individuals who do not present for clinic-based care. To our knowledge, no studies have reviewed research recruitment strategies in the literature or considered how they might affect our knowledge of abortion barriers. We aimed to identify populations included and sampling methods used in studies of abortion barriers in the United States.

STUDY DESIGN

We used a scoping review protocol to search five databases for articles examining US-based individuals' experiences accessing abortion. We included English-language articles published between January 2011 and February 2022. For included studies, we identified the sampling strategy and population recruited.

RESULTS

Our search produced 2763 articles, of which 71 met inclusion criteria. Half of the included papers recruited participants at abortion-providing facilities (n = 35), while the remainder recruited from online sources (n = 14), other health clinics (n = 10), professional organizations (n = 8), abortion funds (n = 2), community organizations (n = 2), key informants (n = 2), and an abortion storytelling project (n = 1). Most articles (n = 61) reported information from people discussing their own abortions; the rest asked nonabortion seekers (e.g., physicians, genetic counselors, attorneys) about barriers to care.

CONCLUSIONS

Studies of abortion barriers enroll participants from a range of venues, but the majority recruit people who obtained abortions, and half recruit from abortion clinics.

IMPLICATIONS

As abortion access becomes constrained and criminalized in the post-Roe context, our findings indicate how investigators might recruit study participants from a variety of settings to fully understand the abortion seeking experience.

Characteristics of U.S. Abortion Patients Who Obtained Care Out of State Prior to the Overturning of Roe v. Wade

CONTEXT

In light of the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization decision overturning Roe v. Wade, the number of people who need to travel out of state for abortion is increasing as several states impose abortion bans. Better understanding the characteristics of patients who obtained out-of-state abortions before the decision can provide a reference point for future research and inform efforts to improve abortion access.

METHODS

We used data from the 2014 Abortion Patient Survey, administered by the Guttmacher Institute, to examine the prevalence and characteristics of patients obtaining nonhospital abortions outside of their state of residence. We examined bivariate and multivariable associations between selected characteristics and obtaining an abortion out of state.

RESULTS

Six percent of abortion patients traveled out of state for care. Among patients who obtained their abortion out of state, more than half (56.9%) were non-Hispanic (NH) white, 26.6% were non-Hispanic Black, and 10.2% were Hispanic. Two-fifths (43.9%) resided in the South, one-third (34.3%) resided in the Midwest, 15% resided in the Northeast, and 7% resided in the West. More than one-third (38.2%) had family incomes below 100% of the federal poverty level (FPL), and two-thirds (67.7%) paid out of pocket; only 3% used Medicaid. Profiles of out-of-state abortion patients differed from in-state abortion patients by all characteristics except age. In adjusted analyses, NH Black (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]: 0.76; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.61-0.96), NH Asian, South Asian, and Asian Pacific Islander (AOR: 0.37; 95% CI: 0.20-0.67), and Hispanic (AOR: 0.46; 95% CI: 0.33-0.64) patients had lower odds of traveling out of state compared with their NH white counterparts. Compared with those paying for their abortion with private insurance, those who paid out of pocket had higher odds of traveling out of state (AOR: 1.75; 95% CI: 1.29-2.37) and those paying with Medicaid had lower odds (AOR: 0.27; 95% CI: 0.15-0.47).

CONCLUSION

Given the observed differences by race/ethnicity and method of payment for abortion, people of color and those without resources to pay out of pocket may especially benefit from efforts to support access to abortion care via interstate travel as an increasing number of states ban abortion.

Clinical and Advocacy Implications of the Dobbs vs. Jackson Women's Health Organization Ruling on Trafficked Persons

The United States Supreme Court decision on the case of Dobbs vs. Jackson Women's Health Organization abolished federal protections of abortion, leaving abortion legislation at the discretion of individual states. Trafficked persons are a population especially vulnerable to the impacts of this ruling. Because there is no existing literature describing the effects of restrictive abortion legislation on this group, we described some of the potential consequences of restrictive abortion laws for sex and labor trafficked persons, based on real case examples. We describe steps that should be taken to sufficiently protect and support pregnant trafficked women in relation to the Dobbs law.

Health Inequities Among People Who Use Drugs in a Post-Dobbs America: The Case for a Syndemic Analysis

Punitive policy responses to substance use and to abortion care constitute direct attacks on personal liberty and bodily autonomy. In this article, we leverage the concept of "syndemics" to anticipate how the already synergistic stigmas against people who use drugs and people who seek abortion services will be further compounded the Dobbs decision.

Reproductive Justice as a Framework for Abortion Care

This article presents an in-depth analysis of abortion access and rights within the Reproductive Justice framework, underscoring the health, social, and economic consequences of limited access. It emphasizes the critical role of abortion as essential, safe health care and highlights the complexities surrounding abortion decisions and the barriers faced by poor and historically marginalized populations. Amid the escalating access restrictions, the article concludes with a call to action for obstetricians and gynecologists and our allied health care providers to recognize, support, and advocate for safe, legal, and affordable abortion services as fundamental to health care equity and human rights.

Emotional, informational, and decision-making support needs among people seeking abortion in the US: perspectives from All-Options Talkline callers

People seeking abortion may need or want emotional or informational support before, during, and after their abortion. Feeling supported and affirmed contributes to perceptions of quality care. The All-Options Talkline offers free, telephone-based, peer counselling to callers anywhere in the United States. This study aimed to explore the types of support received through the Talkline and the ways it supplemented other forms of support received by people who obtained an abortion. Between May 2021 and February 2022, we conducted 30 interviews via telephone or Zoom with callers recruited through the Talkline. We coded the interviews and conducted thematic analysis, focusing on themes related to gaps of support from family, friends, and healthcare professionals, as well as types of support received through the Talkline. We identified four key motivations for calling the Talkline, including the need for (1) decision-making support and validation, (2) a neutral perspective, (3) emotional support to discuss negative or complex feelings, and (4) information about the abortion process. Participants indicated that interactions with family, friends, and healthcare professionals ranged from unsupportive and negative, to substantially supportive. Access to the Talkline was particularly useful prior to clinical interactions and in the weeks or months after an abortion. We found that the All-Options Talkline provided person-centred, remote support for callers, filling gaps or supplementing support from one's community or healthcare professionals. Abortion support from non-medically trained support people contributes to high-quality abortion care, especially in a time of increasing abortion restrictions and use of remote abortion services.

"Have you ever wanted or needed an abortion you did not get?" Data from a 2022 nationally representative online survey in the United States

OBJECTIVE

Describe the prevalence of considering, wanting, and not obtaining a wanted abortion among a nationally representative sample of 15-44 year olds in the United States who had ever been pregnant.

STUDY DESIGN

We analyzed data from ever-pregnant respondents (unweighted n = 1789) from a larger online survey about contraceptive access using the nationally representative AmeriSpeak panel. Among those not obtaining wanted abortions, weighted frequencies for sociodemographic characteristics and reasons for not getting the abortion are presented.

RESULTS

Nearly 6% of the full sample reported having wanted an abortion they did not obtain. In open-ended responses, respondents most frequently reported individual reasons (43.8%) for not getting an abortion (e.g., changing their mind; personal opposition) and financial, logistical, or informational barriers (24.7%) likely related to policy. A quarter (24.1%) of the sample reported a past abortion. Among those who reported no past abortions, about one-fifth had considered abortion in the past, and 6.8% had wanted or needed one. Among those reporting no prior abortions who had considered abortion, only a third (34.3%) also report ever wanting or needing one.

CONCLUSIONS

This study begins to quantify the experience, even before the Supreme Court's 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, of being unable to obtain a wanted abortion. Additionally, findings suggest that people in a national sample will answer questions about whether and why they did not obtain a wanted abortion.

IMPLICATIONS

This study provides the first known national estimates of lifetime history of not getting a wanted abortion. Survey questions can be used for future research. Prospective and ongoing measurement of the inability to get a wanted abortion could be one part of documenting the effects of Dobbs on abortion access.

Reproductive Coercion Victimization and Associated Mental Health Outcomes Among Female-Identifying Young Adults

Reproductive coercion is a serious public health problem. Victimization has been associated with poor mental health outcomes, including symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression in clinical and college samples. We build on these findings by examining the association between reproductive coercion victimization and mental and behavioral health outcomes, including depression, PTSD symptoms, anxiety, and drinking behaviors in a diverse community-derived sample of female-identifying young adults (mean age = 20; SD=.72). Participants (n = 368) were originally recruited as part of a study on dating violence in seven Texas public high schools. Participants completed an online study that included demographic questions and measures that assessed the variables of interest. Results of regression analyses showed that reproductive coercion victimization predicted depression, anxiety, and PTSD symptoms, after controlling for race, sexual orientation, and age. The findings also revealed that victims of reproductive coercion were more likely consume more drinks per drinking occasion compared to their non-victimized counterparts. These results add to the growing literature that experiencing reproductive coercion is a risk marker for poor mental and behavioral health. To develop targeted prevention and intervention programs, future research should examine potential mechanisms underlying this relationship.

The end of Roe v. Wade: implications for Women's mental health and care

The Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson in June 2022 reversed precedent which had previously protected abortion prior to fetal viability as a universal right within the United States. This decision almost immediately led to abortion restrictions across 25 states. The resulting lack of access to abortion care for millions of pregnant people will have profound physical and mental health consequences, the full effects of which will not be realized for years to come. Approximately 1 in 5 women access abortions in the U.S. each year. These women are diverse and represent all American groups. The Supreme court decision, however, will affect populations that have and continue to be marginalized the most. Forcing pregnant individuals to carry unwanted pregnancies worsens health outcomes and mortality risk for both the perinatal individual and the offspring. The US has one of the highest maternal mortality rates and this rate is projected to increase with abortion bans. Abortion policies also interfere with appropriate medical care of pregnant people leading to less safe pregnancies for all. Beyond the physical morbidity, the psychological sequelae of carrying a forced pregnancy to term will lead to an even greater burden of maternal mental illness, exacerbating the already existing maternal mental health crisis. This perspective piece reviews the current evidence of abortion denial on women's mental health and care. Based on the current evidence, we discuss the clinical, educational, societal, research, and policy implications of the Dobbs v. Jackson Supreme Court decision.

Abortion-Related Laws and Concurrent Patterns in Abortion Incidence in Indiana, 2010-2019

Objectives. To analyze abortion incidence in Indiana concurrent with changes in abortion-related laws. Methods. Using publicly available data, we created a timeline of abortion-related laws in Indiana, calculated abortion rates by geography, and described changes in abortion occurrence coincident with changes in abortion-related laws between 2010 and 2019. Results. Between 2010 and 2019, Indiana's legislature passed 14 abortion-restricting laws, and 4 of 10 abortion-providing clinics closed. The Indiana abortion rate decreased from 7.8 abortions per 1000 women aged 15 to 44 years in 2010 to 5.9 in 2019. At all time points, the abortion rate was 58% to 71% of the Midwestern rate and 48% to 55% of the national rate. By 2019, nearly 1 in 3 (29%) Indiana residents who obtained abortion care did so outside the state. Conclusions. Access to abortion in Indiana over the past decade was low, required increases in interstate travel to obtain care, and co-occurred with the passage of numerous abortion restrictions. Public Health Implications. These findings preview unequal abortion access and increases in interstate travel as state-level restrictions and bans go into effect across the country. (Am J Public Health. 2023;113(4):429-437. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.307196).

Does lower use of academic affiliation by university faculty in top U.S. newspapers contribute to misinformation about abortion?

BACKGROUND

University faculty are considered trusted sources of information to disseminate accurate information to the public that abortion is a common, safe and necessary medical health care service. However, misinformation persists about abortion's alleged dangers, commonality, and medical necessity.

METHODS

Systematic review of popular media articles related to abortion, gun control (an equally controversial topic), and cigarette use (a more neutral topic) published in top U.S. newspapers between January 2015 and July 2020 using bivariate analysis and logistic regression to compare disclosure of university affiliation among experts in each topic area.

RESULTS

We included 41 abortion, 102 gun control, and 130 smoking articles, which consisted of 304 distinct media mentions of university-affiliated faculty. Articles with smoking and gun control faculty experts had statistically more affiliations mentioned (90%, n = 195 and 88%, n = 159, respectively) than abortion faculty experts (77%, n = 54) (p = 0.02). The probability of faculty disclosing university affiliation was similar between smoking and gun control (p = 0.73), but between smoking and abortion was significantly less (Ave Marginal Effects - 0.13, p = 0.02).

CONCLUSIONS

Fewer faculty members disclose their university affiliation in top U.S. newspapers when discussing abortion. Lack of academic disclosure may paradoxically make these faculty appear less 'legitimate.' This leads to misinformation, branding abortion as a 'choice,' suggesting it is an unessential medical service. With the recent U.S. Supreme Court landmark decision, Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, and subsequent banning of abortion in many U.S. states, faculty will probably be even less likely to disclose their university affiliation in the media than in the past.

An exploratory study of COVID-19-related changes in abortion service availability and use in Washington, DC, Maryland, and Virginia

OBJECTIVES

This exploratory study aimed to assess COVID-19-related changes in abortion service availability and use in Washington, DC, Maryland, and Virginia.

DESIGN

Data came from a convenience sample of eight abortion clinics in this region. We implemented a cross-sectional survey and collected retrospective aggregate monthly abortion data overall and by facility type, abortion type, and patient characteristics for March 2019-August 2020. We evaluated changes in the distribution of the total number of patients for March-August in 2019 compared to March-August 2020. We also conducted segmented regression analyses and produced scatter plots of monthly abortion patients overall and by facility type, abortion type, and patient characteristics, with separate fitted regression lines from the segmented regression models for the pre- and during-COVID-19 periods.

RESULTS

Five clinics reported a reduced number of appointments early in the pandemic while four reported increased call volume. There were declines in the monthly abortion trend at hospital-based clinics at the outset of the pandemic. Monthly number of medication abortions increased from March 2020 through August 2020 compared to pre-COVID-19 trends while instrumentation abortions 11 up to 19 weeks decreased. The share of abortions to Black individuals increased during the early phase of the pandemic, as did the monthly trend in abortions among this group. We also saw changes in payment type, with declines in patients paying out-of-pocket.

CONCLUSIONS

Results revealed differences in abortion services, numbers, and types during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in Washington, DC, Maryland, and Virginia.

The Dobbs Decision and the Future of Occupational Health in the US

Access to abortion care has a profound impact on women's ability to participate in the workforce. In the US, restrictions on abortion care have waxed and waned over the years, including periods when abortion was broadly permitted across the nation for most pregnant people for a substantial proportion of pregnancy and times when restrictions varied across states, including states where abortion is banned for nearly all reasons. Additionally, access to abortion care has always been a reproductive justice issue, with some people more able to access this care than others even when it is structurally available. In June 2022, the US Supreme Court handed down the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, returning to states the ability to determine restrictions on abortion, including near-total bans on abortion. In this anthology, ten experts share their perspectives on what the Dobbs decision means for the future, how it will exacerbate existing, well-researched issues, and likely also create new challenges needing investigation. Some contributions are focused on research directions, some focus on implications for organizations, and most include both. All contributions share relevant occupational health literature and describe the effects of the Dobbs decision in context.

Intimate relationships after receiving versus being denied an abortion: A 5-year prospective study in the United States

CONTEXT

When an individual seeking an abortion cannot obtain one, carrying that pregnancy to term may affect both her relationship with the man involved in the pregnancy and her prospects for new intimate relationships. We aimed to assess the impact of receiving versus being denied a wanted abortion on women's intimate relationships, up to 5 years after seeking an abortion in the United States.

METHODS

Using mixed-effects regression models, we compared relationship outcomes among women who presented for abortion care just under facilities' gestational age limits ("Near-limit abortion patients," n = 452) with those who presented just over, were denied an abortion ("Turnaways," n = 146) at 30 US facilities.

RESULTS

At 1 week post-abortion seeking, the predicted probability of being in a relationship with the man involved in the pregnancy was 58%, gradually declining to 27% at 5 years with no significant differences between those who received and those who were denied an abortion. However, from 2 to 5 years post-abortion seeking, participants who were denied an abortion had double the odds (aOR = 2.01, 95% CI: 1.09-3.69) of being in a poor intimate relationship, with a predicted probability of being in a poor relationship of 14% among those denied an abortion compared with 9% among those who received one (p < 0.05).

CONCLUSIONS

Carrying an unwanted pregnancy to term does not increase the chance of being in an intimate relationship with the man involved in the pregnancy but may have negative implications for the quality of future relationships up to 5 years post-abortion seeking.

Post-Roe emergency medicine: Policy, clinical, training, and individual implications for emergency clinicians

In June 2022, the United States Supreme Court decision Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization overturned Roe v. Wade, removing almost 50 years of precedent and enabling the imposition of a wide range of state-level restrictions on abortion access. Historical data from the United States and internationally demonstrate that the removal of safe abortion options will increase complications and the health risks to pregnant patients. Because the emergency department is a critical access point for reproductive health care, emergency clinicians must be prepared for the policy, clinical, educational, and legal implications of this change. The goal of this paper, therefore, is to describe the impact of the reversal of Roe v. Wade on health equity and reproductive justice, the provision of emergency care education and training, and the specific legal and reproductive consequences for emergency clinicians. Finally, we conclude with specific recommended policy and advocacy responses for emergency medicine clinicians.

"They're forcing people to have children that they can't afford": a qualitative study of social support and capital among individuals receiving an abortion in Georgia

Abortion is common but highly stigmatized in the United States, and the overturning of Roe v. Wade severely restricted abortion access in many states across the nation. Data reveal that maternal morbidity and mortality are already increasing, and research suggests existing inequities in abortion access across racial/ethnic and socioeconomic groups will be exacerbated. Research has shown that social support (perceived and received aid from one's social network) and social capital (resources accessed through those social connections) can improve access to health services and decrease barriers to care. Given the escalating barriers to abortion, including longer travel distances, it is imperative to better understand the roles of social support and social capital within abortion access, especially for people living on lower incomes and people of color. Our team conducted in-depth interviews with post-abortion patients (n = 18) from an urban abortion clinic in Georgia in 2019 and 2020, shortly after a six-week gestational age abortion limit had been passed but before it was enacted. We examined how people described their social support and social capital - or lack thereof - when making decisions about their pregnancy and their ability to access abortion. We found that social support and social capital - economic support in particular - were key facilitators of both abortion access and parenting, but participants often experienced barriers to economic support within their social networks due to poverty, unstable partnerships, structural inequality, and abortion stigma. Women experienced constraints to their reproductive autonomy, wherein they had no alternatives but abortion. Our findings suggest that increased economic support and de-stigmatization of abortion are needed to improve reproductive autonomy. Our findings also indicate that restricting and outlawing abortion services is significantly detrimental to the well-being of pregnant people, their families and networks, and their communities by perpetuating cycles of poverty and deepening socioeconomic and racial/ethnic inequities.

Integrating anti-violence efforts into sexual and reproductive health: Reproductive coercion as a case example

Integration of anti-oppression approaches into clinical practice, including sexual and reproductive health, is needed. Reproductive coercion is a common form of violence that directly impacts sexual and reproductive health. Person-centered harm reduction strategies for reproductive coercion can be integrated readily into routine care utilizing clinicians’ existing skill set. Interventions for reproductive coercion may serve as a proof of concept for the incorporation of anti-violence and healing justice efforts within medical care.

Maternal and Infant Health Inequities, Reproductive Justice and COVID Addressed in RACE Series

Ethn Dis. 2022;32(4):351-356; doi:10.18865/ed.32.4.351

COVID-19 impacts on abortion care-seeking experiences in the Washington, DC, Maryland, and Virginia regions of the United States

CONTEXT

Many people wanted to avoid or delay childbearing during the COVID-19 pandemic. This study sought to examine the extent COVID-19 influenced abortion care-seeking in a region that did not enact policy restricting abortion due to the pandemic, has high service availability, and few abortion-restrictive policies.

METHODOLOGY

We conducted telephone surveys with adults (n=72) requesting abortion appointments between September 2020 and March 2021 at five clinics in Washington, DC, Maryland, and Virginia. We used χ² tests to compare sociodemographic, reproductive history, service delivery characteristics, and pandemic-related life changes by whether COVID-19 influenced abortion care-seeking.

RESULTS

Most respondents (93%) had an abortion at the time of the survey, 4% were awaiting their scheduled appointment, and 3% did not have an appointment scheduled. Nearly 40% of people reported COVID-19 influenced their decision to have an abortion. These individuals were significantly more likely to report "not financially prepared" (44% vs. 16%) as a reason for termination compared to people reporting no influence of COVID-19. They were also more likely to have lost or changed their health insurance due to pandemic-related employment changes (15% vs. 2%), report substantial money difficulties due to COVID-19 (59% vs. 33%), and report that paying for their abortion was "very difficult" (25% vs. 2%).

CONCLUSION

COVID-19 influenced many people to have an abortion, particularly those financially disadvantaged by the pandemic. Expansion of Medicaid abortion coverage in Washington, DC and Virginia could reduce financial barriers to care and help people to better meet their reproductive needs amid future crises.

Beyond Abortion: The Consequences of Overturning Roe

The upcoming U.S. Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization has the potential to eliminate or severely restrict access to legal abortion care in the United States. We address the impact that the decision could have on abortion access and its consequences beyond abortion care. We posit that an abortion ban would, in effect, mean that anyone who becomes pregnant, including those who continue a pregnancy and give birth to healthy newborns and those with pregnancy complications or adverse pregnancy outcomes will become newly vulnerable to legal surveillance, civil detentions, forced interventions, and criminal prosecution. The harms imposed by banning or severely restricting abortion access will disproportionately affect persons of color and perpetuate structural racism. We caution that focusing on Roe as a decision that only protects ending a pregnancy ignores the protection that the decision also affords people who want to continue their pregnancies. It overlooks the ways in which overturning Roe will curtail fundamental rights for all those who become pregnant and will undermine their status as full persons meriting Constitutional protections. Such a singular focus inevitably obscures the common ground that people across the ideological spectrum might inhabit to ensure the safety, health, humanity, and rights of all people who experience pregnancy.

Potential Impact of Telemedicine for Medication Abortion Policy and Programming Changes on Abortion Accessibility in the United States

Objectives. To quantify the impact of telemedicine for medication abortion (TMAB) expansion or ban removal on abortion accessibility. Methods. We included 1091 facilities from the 2018 Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health facility database and Planned Parenthood Web site, among which 241 did not offer abortion as sites for TMAB expansion. Accessibility was defined as the proportion of reproductive-aged women living within a 30-, 60-, or 90-minute drive time from an abortion-providing facility. We calculated accessibility differences between 3 scenarios: (1) facilities offering abortion in 2018 (reference), (2) the reference scenario in addition to all facilities in states without TMAB bans (TMAB expansion), and (3) all facilities (TMAB ban removal). We also stratified by state and urban-rural status. Results. In 2018, 65%, 81%, and 89% of women lived within a 30-, 60-, or 90-minute drive time from an abortion-providing facility, respectively. Expansion and ban removal expanded abortion accessibility relative to the current accessibility scenario (range: 1.25-5.66 percentage points). Women in rural blocks experienced greater increases in accessibility than those in urban blocks. Conclusions. TMAB program and policy changes could expand abortion accessibility to an additional 3.5 million reproductive-aged women. Public Health Implications. Our findings can inform where to invest resources to improve abortion accessibility. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(8):1202-1211. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.306876).

How Ohio's proposed abortion bans would impact travel distance to access abortion care

CONTEXT

Since March 2021, the Ohio legislature has been actively considering laws that would ban abortion if the United States Supreme Court overturns the Roe v. Wade decision that legalized abortion nationally in 1973.

METHODS

We used a national database of publicly advertised abortion facilities to calculate driving distances for Ohioans before and after the activation of proposed abortion bans. Using a legal analysis of abortion laws following the overturn of Roe, we determined which states surrounding Ohio would continue providing abortion care. We calculated distances from each Ohio county centroid to the nearest open abortion facility in three scenarios: (1) as of February 2022, (2) the best-case post-Roe scenario (two of the five surrounding states continue to offer abortion care), and (3) worst-case post-Roe scenario (no surrounding states continue to offer abortion care). We calculated population-weighted distances using county-level data about women aged 15-44 years from the 2019 American Community Survey.

RESULTS

In February 2022, all Ohio county centroids were at most 99 miles from an abortion facility (median = 50 miles). The best-case post-Roe scenario shows 62 of Ohio's 88 counties to be 115-279 miles away from the nearest facility (median = 146). The worst-case shows 85 counties to be 191-339 miles away from the nearest facility (median = 264). The current average population-weighted driving distance from county centroid to the nearest facility is 26 miles; the post-Roe scenarios would increase this to 157 miles (best-case) or 269 miles (worst-case).

CONCLUSIONS

Ohio's proposed abortion bans would substantially increase travel distances to abortion care, impacting over 2.2 million reproductive-aged Ohioans.

"It just seemed like a perfect storm": A multi-methods feasibility study on the use of Facebook, Google Ads, and Reddit to collect data on abortion-seeking experiences from people who considered but did not obtain abortion care in the United States

Most studies of abortion access have recruited participants from abortion clinics, thereby missing people for whom barriers to care were insurmountable. Consequently, research may underestimate the nature and scope of barriers that exist. We aimed to recruit participants who had considered, but failed to obtain, an abortion using three online platforms, and to evaluate the feasibility of collecting data on their abortion-seeking experiences in a multi-modal online study. In 2018, we recruited participants for this feasibility study from Facebook, Google Ads, and Reddit for an online survey about experiences seeking abortion care in the United States; we additionally conducted in-depth interviews among a subset of survey participants. We completed descriptive analyses of survey data, and thematic analyses of interview data. Recruitment results have been previously published. For the primary outcomes of this analysis, over one month, we succeeded in capturing data on abortion-seeking experiences from 66 individuals who were not currently pregnant and reported not having obtained an abortion, nor visited an abortion facility, despite feeling that abortion could have been the best option for a recent pregnancy. A subset of survey respondents (n = 14) completed in-depth interviews. Results highlighted multiple, reinforcing barriers to abortion care, including legal restrictions such as gestational limits and waiting periods that exacerbated financial and other burdens, logistical and informational barriers, as well as barriers to abortion care less frequently reported in the literature, such as a preference for medication abortion. These findings support the use of online recruitment to identify and survey an understudied population about their abortion-seeking experiences. Further, findings contribute to a more complete understanding of the full range of barriers to abortion care that people experience in the United States, and how these barriers intersect to not just delay, but to prevent people from obtaining abortion.

Undue burdens created by the Texas Abortion Law for vulnerable pregnant women

The new Texas abortion law requires the physician to determine whether a fetal heartbeat is present and prohibits abortion after a heartbeat has been documented. An exception is allowed when a "medical emergency necessitated the abortion." These and other provisions of the statute are to be enforced through "civil actions" brought by private citizens. This article identifies 3 populations of vulnerable women who will experience undue burdens created by the Texas abortion law. We begin with an account of the concept of undue burden in the jurisprudence of abortion, as expressed in the 1992 US Supreme Court case, Planned Parenthood v. Casey of Southeastern Pennsylvania. We then provide an evidence-based account of the predictable, undue burdens for 3 populations of vulnerable women: pregnant women with decreased freedom of movement; pregnant minors; and pregnant women with major mental disorders and cognitive disabilities. The Texas law creates an undue burden on these 3 populations of vulnerable women by reducing or even eliminating access to abortion services outside of Texas. The Texas law also creates an undue burden by preventably increasing the risks of morbidity, including loss of fertility, and mortality for these 3 populations of vulnerable women. For these women, it is indisputable that the Texas law will create undue burdens and is therefore not compatible with the jurisprudence of abortion as set forth in Planned Parenthood v. Casey because a "significant number of women will likely be prevented from obtaining an abortion." Federal courts should therefore strike down this law.

Challenges of Seeking Reproductive Health Care in People Experiencing Intimate Partner Violence

Title X is a federally funded family planning initiative that provides low-cost and confidential reproductive health services to its clients. In recent years, Title X has been the subject of debate as its core tenants have been revised by the current administration. Though advocates have fought against these changes, the voices of survivors on intimate partner violence are absent from this conversation. This study was designed to elicit the opinions and experiences on survivors of intimate partner violence on reproductive decision-making, their access to care, and their opinions about political efforts to restrict this access. Twenty-six semi-structured interviews were conducted with women who were seeking services for intimate partner violence. These interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and coded. Codes were then organized into themes. Participants endorsed the need for confidential services due to experiences of coercion from their partners and the fear of retaliation against them. Participants largely supported accessible contraception but reported the need for contraception to be reliable. Participants addressed pregnancy and its many complexities and advocated for nondirective options-counseling. Overall, participants spoke about their challenges with reproductive health care and their opinions on how best to service survivors of intimate partner violence. This study asserts the need for advocates for survivors to advocate for the preservation of Title X and establishes the need for future studies on the prevalence of intimate partner violence in Title X clinics.

Patient and provider experiences using a site-to-site telehealth model for medication abortion

BACKGROUND

In the site-to-site telehealth for medication abortion model, patients visit a health center to meet with a remote clinician using telehealth technology. This model is safe, effective, and acceptable to patients and providers. The objective of this study was to document the experiences of patients and providers using telehealth for medication abortion in Planned Parenthood health centers across different geographical contexts in the United States.

METHODS

We conducted in-depth interviews with Planned Parenthood medication abortion patients who either met with a clinician at the clinic via telehealth or in-person about their experiences receiving care. We also interviewed Planned Parenthood staff members about their experiences implementing telehealth for medication abortion at their health center.

RESULTS

We interviewed 29 patients who received care at Planned Parenthood health centers in five states. Both telehealth and in-person patients described positive interactions with health center staff and clinicians. The vast majority of telehealth patients said that they felt comfortable speaking with the clinician over telehealth and had no trouble using the telehealth technology. We interviewed 12 providers, including clinicians and administrative staff, who worked in seven states. Providers largely thought that telehealth for medication abortion expanded access to medication abortion.

CONCLUSIONS

Across different locations, our findings indicate that patients found telehealth for medication abortion services to be highly acceptable and providers found that telehealth services may help improve medication abortion access. As the use of telehealth for medication abortion expands, future research should include additional measures of quality to ensure that services are acceptable across different identities and experiences, including age, race, gender, and income level.

Permeability of abortion care in the Netherlands: a qualitative analysis of women's experiences, health professional perspectives, and the internet resource of Women on Web

Despite a relatively permissive abortion law, women in the Netherlands encounter difficulties in accessing abortion care. Little is known about their experiences. This study explores women's experiences with (online) abortion services and relevant health professionals' experiences delivering care, with the goal of identifying key barriers encountered by abortion-seekers in the Netherlands. An exploratory qualitative research design with a constructivist approach and an abbreviated grounded theory method was used. Interviews with 20 women who had had an abortion and 14 health professionals who provide abortion care, and 200 emails of women seeking abortion care through the non-governmental organisation Women on Web, were coded inductively and deductively (using the Candidacy Framework) thereby generating themes. Abortion-seekers faced barriers including: (i) burden of taboo, (ii) vulnerability (emotional, financial, and social), (iii) health professional evaluation and (iv) disempowerment and distress. The overarching theme was women's lack of autonomy in access to abortion care. The key barriers to abortion access in the Netherlands are the institutionalisation of taboo in abortion law and care, complex candidacy regulations, lack of permeability for certain marginalised groups, and women's inability to speak openly about abortion. To increase the permeability of abortion care, and thereby women's autonomy, legislators and policy-makers must trust women to make their own reproductive decisions and avoid actions that stigmatise abortion and hinder access to care, while actively developing systemic support for vulnerable groups.

Variation in Restrictive Abortion Policies and Adverse Birth Outcomes in the United States from 2005 to 2015

BACKGROUND

Since 2011, U.S. states have enacted more than 400 policies restricting abortion access. As structural determinants, abortion policies have the potential to influence maternal and child health access, outcomes, and equity through multiple mechanisms. Limited research has examined their implications for birth outcomes.

METHODS

We created a state-level abortion restrictiveness index composed of 18 restrictive abortion policies and evaluated the association between this index and individual-level probabilities of preterm birth (PTB) and low birthweight (LBW) within the United States and by Census Region, using data from the 2005-2015 National Center for Health Statistics Period Linked Live Birth-Infant Death Files. We used logistic multivariable regression modeling, adjusting for individual- and state-level factors and state and year fixed effects.

RESULTS

Among 2,500,000 live births, 269,253 (12.0%) were PTBs and 182,960 (8.1%) were LBW. On average from 2005 to 2015, states had approximately seven restrictive abortion policies enacted, with more policies enacted in the Midwest and South. Nationally, relationships between state restrictiveness indices and adverse birth outcomes were insignificant. Regional analyses revealed that a 1-SD increase in a state's restrictiveness index was associated with a 2% increase in PTB in the Midwest (marginal effect [ME], 0.25; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.04-0.45; p < .01), a 15% increase in LBW in the Northeast (ME, 1.24; 95% CI, 0.12-2.35; p < .05), and a 2% increase in LBW in the West (ME, 0.12; 95% CI, 0.01-0.25; p < .05).

CONCLUSION

Variation in restrictive abortion policy environments may have downstream implications for birth outcomes, and increases in abortion restrictions were associated with adverse birth outcomes in three out of four Census Regions.