Does minimum pricing reduce alcohol consumption? The experience of a Canadian province

The impacts of alcohol marketing and advertising, and the alcohol industry's views on marketing regulations: Systematic reviews of systematic reviews

ISSUES

Advertising and marketing affect alcohol use; however, no single systematic review has covered all aspects of how they affect alcohol use, and how the alcohol industry views alcohol marketing restrictions.

APPROACH

Two systematic reviews of reviews were performed according to the Preferred Reporting Items on 2 February 2023. Results were analysed using a narrative synthesis approach.

KEY FINDINGS

Twenty-three reviews were included in the systematic reviews. The first systematic review examined youth and adolescents (11 reviews), digital or internet marketing (3 reviews), alcohol marketing's impact on cognition (3 reviews), and alcohol marketing and policy options (2 reviews). The second systematic review focused on alcohol industry (i.e., importers, producers, distributors, retailers and advertising firms) response to advertising restrictions (four reviews). The reviews indicated that there is evidence that alcohol marketing (including digital marketing) is associated with increased intentions to drink, levels of consumption and harmful drinking among youth and young adults. Studies on cognition indicate that advertisements focusing on appealing contexts and outcomes may be more readily accepted by adolescents, and may be less easily extinguished in this population. The review of the alcohol industry found a strong desire to self-regulate alcohol advertising.

IMPLICATIONS

We found alcohol advertising and marketing is associated with increased drinking intentions, consumption and harmful drinking. Thus, policies which restrict advertising may be an effective way to reduce alcohol use.

CONCLUSION

More research is needed to assess all aspects of the observed associations, especially as to how marketing policies impact women and people with alcohol dependence.

Assessing the early influence of COVID-19 in an analysis of the immediate implementation of Minimum Pricing for Alcohol on drinkers in Wales

Background: The Welsh Government has commissioned a number of projects to consider the influence their implementation of Minimum Pricing for Alcohol (MPA) legislation in March 2020 had on the alcohol consumption and related behaviours of drinkers. Given the MPA's overlap with the COVID-19 pandemic and its related lockdown measures and restrictions, this rapidly became a story about the early impact of COVID-19 as it did MPA. This paper captures the core thematic messages from this specific strand of work, and in doing so reflects on (1) how early experiences of COVID-19 and the first lockdown influenced consumption and purchasing of alcohol behaviours and, in turn, (2) how relevant the introduction of MPA was for any of these. Methods: Semi-structured interviews were conducted by telephone with 32 drinkers 9 months after the implementation of the legislation in March 2020. The sample was recruited from three sources: the National Survey for Wales; a third sector organisation offering housing support to the homeless; and through an online survey on MPA. Results: COVID-19 had more relevance than MPA to drinkers. Furthermore, when MPA did have an influence on their behaviour, it was felt most keenly by the harmful drinkers in the study. These drinkers described spending more on alcohol, switching to other potentially more harmful substances, such as crack cocaine and synthetic cannabinoids, and more involvement in acquisitive crime and begging after the price increase. While our results might be an early indication of the influence of MPA on harmful drinkers, the small sample of this group in our study limits the generalisability of the findings. Conclusion: To date, the implementation of MPA has had little influence on the drinking patterns or lives of the drinkers in our sample. It is important that future research examines the longer-term influences of MPA before any conclusions on its effectiveness can be drawn.

Vancouver's Alcohol Knowledge Exchange: lessons learned from creating a peer-involved alcohol harm reduction strategy in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside

Despite high rates of harm attributable to alcohol use itself and the associated marginalization of illicit drinkers in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside (DTES), alcohol-specific harm reduction services there are under-resourced and highly disconnected from one another. In response to these conditions and high rates of death amongst its membership, the Eastside Illicit Drinkers Group for Education, an affiliate group of the Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users, convened a regular meeting of stakeholders, termed a "community of practice" in 2019 to bring together peers who used beverage and non-beverage alcohol, shelter and harm reduction service providers, public health professionals, clinicians, and policymakers to improve system-level capacity to reduce alcohol-related harm. The discussions that followed from these meetings were transformed into the Vancouver Alcohol Strategy (VAS), a comprehensive, harm reduction-oriented policy framework for alcohol harm reduction in the DTES. This article highlights our experiences producing community-led alcohol policy through the VAS with specific attention to the ways in which people who use alcohol themselves were centred throughout the policy development process. We also provide summary overviews of each of the VAS document's 6 thematic areas for action, highlighting a sampling of the 47 total unique recommendations. Historically, people who use non-beverage alcohol and whose use of alcohol in public spaces is criminalized due to housing precarity and visible poverty have been excluded from the development of population-level alcohol policies that can harm this specific population. The process of policy development undertaken by the VAS has attempted to resist this top-down approach to public health policy development related to alcohol control by intentionally creating space for people with lived experience to guide our recommendations. We conclude by suggesting that a grassroots enthusiasm for harm reduction focused policy development exists in Vancouver's DTES, and requires resources from governmental public health institutions to meaningfully prevent and reduce alcohol-related and policy-induced harms.

The public-private decision for alcohol retail systems: Examining the economic, health, and social impacts of alternative systems in Finland

Background: Organising alcohol retail systems with more or less public ownership has implications for health and the economy. The aim of the present study was to estimate the economic, health, and social impacts of alcohol use in Finland in 2018 (baseline), and in two alternative scenarios in which current partial public ownership of alcohol retail sales is either increased or fully privatised. Methods: Baseline alcohol-attributable harms and costs were estimated across five categories of death, disability, and criminal justice. Two alternate alcohol retail systems were defined as privately owned stores selling: (1) only low strength alcoholic beverages (public ownership scenario, similar to Sweden); or (2) all beverages (private ownership scenario). Policy analyses were conducted to estimate changes in alcohol use per capita. Health and economic impacts were modelled using administrative data and epidemiological modelling. Results: In Finland in 2018, alcohol use was estimated to be responsible for €1.51 billion (95% Uncertainty Estimates: €1.43 billion, €1.58 billion) in social cost, 3,846 deaths, and 270,652 criminal justice events. In the public ownership scenario, it was estimated that alcohol use would decline by 15.8% (11.8%, 19.7%) and social cost by €384.3 million (€189.5 million, €559.2 million). Full privatisation was associated with an increase in alcohol use of 9.0% (6.2%, 11.8%) and an increase in social cost of €289.7 million (€140.8 million, €439.5 million). Conclusion: The outcome from applying a novel analytical approach suggests that more public ownership of the alcohol retail system may lead to significant decreases in alcohol-caused death, disability, crime, and social costs. Conversely, full privatisation of the ownership model would lead to increased harm and costs.

Reducing alcohol use through alcohol control policies in the general population and population subgroups: a systematic review and meta-analysis

We estimate the effects of alcohol taxation, minimum unit pricing (MUP), and restricted temporal availability on overall alcohol consumption and review their differential impact across sociodemographic groups. Web of Science, Medline, PsycInfo, Embase, and EconLit were searched on 08/12/2022 and 09/26/2022 for studies on newly introduced or changed alcohol policies published between 2000 and 2022 (Prospero registration: CRD42022339791). We combined data using random-effects meta-analyses. Risk of bias was assessed using the Newcastle-Ottawa Scale. Of 1887 reports, 36 were eligible. Doubling alcohol taxes or introducing MUP (Int$ 0.90/10 g of pure alcohol) reduced consumption by 10% (for taxation: 95% prediction intervals [PI]: -18.5%, -1.2%; for MUP: 95% PI: -28.2%, 5.8%), restricting alcohol sales by one day a week reduced consumption by 3.6% (95% PI: -7.2%, -0.1%). Substantial between-study heterogeneity contributes to high levels of uncertainty and must be considered in interpretation. Pricing policies resulted in greater consumption changes among low-income alcohol users, while results were inconclusive for other socioeconomic indicators, gender, and racial and ethnic groups. Research is needed on the differential impact of alcohol policies, particularly for groups bearing a disproportionate alcohol-attributable health burden.

Funding

Research reported in this publication was supported by the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism of the National Institutes of Health under Award Number R01AA028009.

Alcohol: No Ordinary Commodity-a summary of the third edition

BACKGROUND AND AIMS

This article summarizes the findings and conclusions of the third edition of Alcohol: No Ordinary Commodity. The latest revision of this book is part of a series of monographs designed to provide a critical review of the scientific evidence related to alcohol control policy from a public health perspective.

DESIGN

A narrative summary of the contents of the book according to five major issues.

FINDINGS

An extensive amount of epidemiological evidence shows that alcohol is a major contributor to the global burden of disease, disability and death in high-, middle- and low-income countries. Trends in alcohol products and marketing are described, indicating that a large part of the global industry has been consolidated into a small number of transnational corporations that are expanding their operations in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The main part of the book is devoted to a review of strategies and interventions designed to prevent or minimize alcohol-related harm. Overall, the most effective strategies to protect public health are taxation that decreases affordability and restrictions on the physical availability of alcohol. A total ban on alcohol marketing is also an effective strategy to reduce consumption. In addition, drink-driving counter-measures, brief interventions with at-risk drinkers and treatment of drinkers with alcohol dependence are effective in preventing harm in high-risk contexts and groups of hazardous drinkers.

CONCLUSION

Alcohol policy is often the product of competing interests, values and ideologies, with the evidence suggesting that the conflicting interests between profit and health mean that working in partnership with the alcohol industry is likely to lead to ineffective policy. Opportunities for implementation of evidence-based alcohol policies that better serve the public good are clearer than ever before as a result of accumulating knowledge on which strategies work best.

Changes in alcohol purchases from grocery stores after authorising the sale of stronger beverages: The case of the Finnish alcohol legislation reform in 2018

Aims: The Finnish alcohol law was reformed in January 2018. The availability of alcoholic beverages in grocery stores increased as the legal limit for retail sales of alcoholic drinks was raised from 4.7% to 5.5% alcohol, and the requirement of production by fermentation was abolished. We analysed how the inclusion of strong beers, ciders, and ready-to-drink beverages in grocery stores was reflected in alcohol purchases, and how these changes differed by age, sex, level of education and household income. Design: The study sample included 47,066 loyalty card holders from the largest food retailer in Finland. The data consisted of longitudinal, individual-level information on alcohol purchases from grocery stores, covering the time period between 1 January 2017 and 31 December 2018. The volumes of absolute alcohol during a calendar year from beers, ciders, ready-to-drink beverages, and in total, were calculated. Alcohol purchases in 2017 and 2018 were compared. Results: There was no overall change in the total alcohol (0.04 [95% CI -0.03, 0.11] litres/year) or beer purchases (-0.05 [95% CI -0.11, 0.02] litres/year). Purchases of ready-to-drink beverages increased by 0.10 [95% CI 0.09, 0.11] litres/year (+ 84%). Total alcohol purchases increased in the three highest income groups, whereas they decreased in the two lowest groups (p for the interaction < 0.0001). Conclusions: The increased purchases of alcohol as ready-to-drink beverages were, on the average, compensated for by a decrease in purchases of other alcoholic beverages. Higher prices probably limited the purchases among lower income groups and younger consumers, while the increase was sharper in higher income groups.

Harmful alcohol consumption in elite sports players in Ireland

BACKGROUND

Sportspeople are more prone to binge drink than their peers.

AIMS

We aimed to assess alcohol consumption, harms and behaviours in an elite Irish sporting population (Gaelic footballers and hurlers).

METHODS

An anonymous web-based questionnaire (demographics, alcohol consumption, culture and related harms) was administered to all elite players. The AUDIT-C questionnaire (frequency, quantity of alcohol consumption and frequency of binge drinking) was used to assess for adverse alcohol use. Univariate and multivariate analyses assessed for predictors of adverse alcohol use.

RESULTS

717 players (mean age 24 years) were analysed. The majority of patients were male (75%), unmarried (93%) and had completed university (67%). 96% were current drinkers. Players consumed more alcohol during the off-season (median 20 versus 8 standard drinks in 28 days) compared to the elite season. Amongst current drinkers, 73% exhibit adverse alcohol use, 93% reported binge drinking and 65% an alcohol related harm in the past year. Most players would turn to family (36%) or friends (21%) for help. There were significant associations between monthly bingeing (OR 18.4), smoking (OR 3.3), generally drinking in public (OR 3.2), current gambling (OR 2.3), male gender (OR 2.1), an alcohol harm in the past year (OR 1.9) and adverse alcohol use. In contrast, co-habiting with a partner (OR 0.5) was protective.

CONCLUSIONS

Excess alcohol consumption, alcohol related harms and binge drinking are prevalent in an elite sporting population, particularly during the off-season. Specific strategies are required to reduce alcohol related harms, particularly amongst high-risk groups during the off-season.

Young Swiss men's risky single-occasion drinking: Identifying those who do not respond to stricter alcohol policy environments

BACKGROUND

Previous research has demonstrated a preventive effect of the alcohol policy environment on alcohol consumption. However, little is known about the heterogeneity of this effect. Our aim was to examine the extent of heterogeneity in the relationship between the strictness of alcohol policy environments and heavy drinking and to identify potential moderators of the relationship.

METHODS

Cross-sectional data from 5986 young Swiss men participating in the cohort study on substance use risk factors (C-SURF) were analysed. The primary outcome was self-reported risky single-occasion drinking in the past 12 months (RSOD, defined as 6 standard drinks or more on a single occasion at least monthly). A previously-used index of alcohol policy environment strictness across Swiss cantons was analysed in conjunction with 21 potential moderator variables. Random forest machine learning captured high-dimensional interaction effects, while individual conditional expectations captured the heterogeneity induced by the interaction effects and identified moderators.

RESULTS

Predicted subject-specific absolute risk reductions in RSOD risk ranged from 16.8% to - 4.2%, indicating considerable heterogeneity. Sensation seeking and antisocial personality disorder (ASPD) were major moderators that reduced the preventive relationship between stricter alcohol policy environments and RSOD risk. They also were associated with the paradoxical observation that some individuals displayed increased RSOD risk in stricter alcohol policy environments.

CONCLUSION

Whereas stricter alcohol policy environments were associated with reduced average RSOD risk, additionally addressing the risk conveyed by sensation seeking and ASPD would deliver an interlocking prevention mix against young Swiss men's RSOD.

Minimum Alcohol Pricing and Motor Vehicle Collisions in Scotland

On May 1, 2018, Scotland introduced a minimum price of 50 pence per unit of alcohol, which led to a reduction in alcohol consumption. As drink-driving is an important risk factor for motor vehicle collisions, we examined whether the minimum alcohol pricing was followed by a decrease in collisions. We took advantage of a case where the minimum price was introduced to 1 population during the study period (Scotland) and another population that served as the control group did not experience this intervention (England and Wales). We used data on the daily number of motor vehicle collisions resulting in death or injury in 2018 and used a differences-in-differences econometric approach, comparing trends before and after the introduction of the minimum price. Controlling for seasonality, we found a small relative decrease in collisions in Scotland compared with England and Wales (difference-in-difference interaction coefficient, -0.35; 95% confidence interval: -0.65, -0.04; P = 0.03). Our results suggest that there was a relative decrease in motor vehicle collisions in Scotland of between 1.52 and 1.90, on average, in the first months after the introduction of the policy. More research is needed to understand any long-term impacts of minimum alcohol pricing.

Adapting existing behaviour: Perceptions of substance switching and implementation of minimum pricing for alcohol in Wales

Aim

Minimum Pricing for Alcohol (MPA) was enacted in Wales on March 2^nd 2020. During the legislative process (i.e. consultation and parliamentary discussion), concern was expressed about the possibility of some drinkers switching to using other substances in response to any rise in the cost of alcohol. This paper reports on findings from a study which explored these pre-implementation concerns and how the policy was shaped.

Method

The research involved surveys (n=193) and interviews (n=87) with drinkers (predominantly harmful or treatment seeking) and providers of services. Survey responses were detailed, thus when combined with the interviews, provided a wealth of qualitative data, which are drawn upon in this paper.

Results

The findings highlight an expectation that most drinkers would respond to the new policy with adaptations of their coping mechanisms to maintain alcohol use at pre-legislative levels. This was either by switching alcohol products and adjusting their lifestyle to maintain an affordable drinking habit or developing new behaviours to manage additional costs. A small group of those with previous experience of drug use were identified as likely to switch from using alcohol to some other substances.

Conclusions

Prior to the legislation being implemented awareness of the detail of the policy was found to be low, and the perceptions of increased potential harm for certain groups, including switching, were linked to concern about a lack of treatment capacity.

Impact of minimum unit pricing on youth alcohol consumption: insights from Lebanon

This paper analyses the impact of introducing an alcohol minimum unit pricing policy on youth's off-premise alcohol consumption. We rely on price elasticities derived using stated preference alcohol purchase data from a survey of 1024 university students in Lebanon. Selectively targeting drinks with high ethanol concentration by applying a minimum unit pricing (MUP) corresponding to the maximum price that respondents are willing to pay per beverage achieves a reduction in ethanol intake close to 0.23 l/month (∼28% of pre-MUP ethanol intake). Imposing a flat MUP corresponding to the average price respondents are willing to pay for all alcoholic beverages decreases ethanol intake by nearly half the reduction from the previous targeted MUP. This work provides evidence in favour of MUP in conjunction with taxation capable of substantially reducing alcohol consumption. We also document a positive welfare benefit of MUP.

Harmful alcohol consumption in elite sports players in Ireland

BACKGROUND

Sportspeople are more prone to binge drink than their peers.

AIMS

We aimed to assess alcohol consumption, harms and behaviours in an elite Irish sporting population (Gaelic footballers and hurlers).

METHODS

An anonymous web-based questionnaire (demographics, alcohol consumption, culture and related harms) was administered to all elite players. The AUDIT-C questionnaire (frequency, quantity of alcohol consumption and frequency of binge drinking) was used to assess for adverse alcohol use. Univariate and multivariate analyses assessed for predictors of adverse alcohol use.

RESULTS

717 players (mean age 24 years) were analysed. The majority of patients were male (75%), unmarried (93%) and had completed university (67%). 96% were current drinkers. Players consumed more alcohol during the off-season (median 20 versus 8 standard drinks in 28 days) compared to the elite season. Amongst current drinkers, 73% exhibit adverse alcohol use, 93% reported binge drinking and 65% an alcohol related harm in the past year. Most players would turn to family (36%) or friends (21%) for help. There were significant associations between monthly bingeing (OR 18.4), smoking (OR 3.3), generally drinking in public (OR 3.2), current gambling (OR 2.3), male gender (OR 2.1), an alcohol harm in the past year (OR 1.9) and adverse alcohol use. In contrast, co-habiting with a partner (OR 0.5) was protective.

CONCLUSIONS

Excess alcohol consumption, alcohol related harms and binge drinking are prevalent in an elite sporting population, particularly during the off-season. Specific strategies are required to reduce alcohol related harms, particularly amongst high-risk groups during the off-season.

Intended and unintended consequences of the implementation of minimum unit pricing of alcohol in Scotland: a natural experiment

Background

Scotland was the first country to implement minimum unit pricing for alcohol nationally. Minimum unit pricing aims to reduce alcohol-related harms and to narrow health inequalities. Minimum unit pricing sets a minimum retail price based on alcohol content, targeting products preferentially consumed by high-risk drinkers. This study comprised three components.

Objectives

This study comprised three components assessing alcohol consumption and alcohol-related attendances in emergency departments, investigating potential unintended effects of minimum unit pricing on alcohol source and drug use, and exploring changes in public attitudes, experiences and norms towards minimum unit pricing and alcohol use.

Design

We conducted a natural experiment study using repeated cross-sectional surveys comparing Scotland (intervention) and North England (control) areas. This involved comparing changes in Scotland following the introduction of minimum unit pricing with changes seen in the north of England over the same period. Difference-in-difference analyses compared intervention and control areas. Focus groups with young people and heavy drinkers, and interviews with professional stakeholders before and after minimum unit pricing implementation in Scotland allowed exploration of attitudes, experiences and behaviours, stakeholder perceptions and potential mechanisms of effect.

Setting

Four emergency departments in Scotland and North England (component 1), six sexual health clinics in Scotland and North England (component 2), and focus groups and interviews in Scotland (component 3).

Participants

Research nurses interviewed 23,455 adults in emergency departments, and 15,218 participants self-completed questionnaires in sexual health clinics. We interviewed 30 stakeholders and 105 individuals participated in focus groups.

Intervention

Minimum unit pricing sets a minimum retail price based on alcohol content, targeting products preferentially consumed by high-risk drinkers.

Results

The odds ratio for an alcohol-related emergency department attendance following minimum unit pricing was 1.14 (95% confidence interval 0.90 to 1.44; p = 0.272). In absolute terms, we estimated that minimum unit pricing was associated with 258 more alcohol-related emergency department visits (95% confidence interval –191 to 707) across Scotland than would have been the case had minimum unit pricing not been implemented. The odds ratio for illicit drug consumption following minimum unit pricing was 1.04 (95% confidence interval 0.88 to 1.24; p = 0.612). Concerns about harms, including crime and the use of other sources of alcohol, were generally not realised. Stakeholders and the public generally did not perceive price increases or changed consumption. A lack of understanding of the policy may have caused concerns about harms to dependent drinkers among participants from more deprived areas.

Limitations

The short interval between policy announcement and implementation left limited time for pre-intervention data collection.

Conclusions

Within the emergency departments, there was no evidence of a beneficial impact of minimum unit pricing. Implementation appeared to have been successful and there was no evidence of substitution from alcohol consumption to other drugs. Drinkers and stakeholders largely reported not noticing any change in price or consumption. The lack of effect observed in these settings in the short term, and the problem-free implementation, suggests that the price per unit set (£0.50) was acceptable, but may be too low. Our evaluation, which itself contains multiple components, is part of a wider programme co-ordinated by Public Health Scotland and the results should be understood in this wider context.

Future work

Repeated evaluation of similar policies in different contexts with varying prices would enable a fuller picture of the relationship between price and impacts.

Trial registration

Current Controlled Trials ISRCTN16039407.

Funding

This project was funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Public Health Research programme and will be published in full in Public Health Research; Vol. 9, No. 11. See the NIHR Journals Library website for further project information.

Evaluating the impact of minimum unit pricing (MUP) on off-trade alcohol sales in Scotland: an interrupted time-series study

BACKGROUND AND AIMS

On 1 May 2018, Scotland became the first country in the world to introduce minimum unit pricing (MUP), a strength-based floor price below which alcohol cannot be sold, across all alcoholic beverages. The legislation contains a sunset clause meaning a comprehensive mixed-methods evaluation of its impact across a range of outcomes will inform whether it will continue beyond its sixth year. In this study, we assessed the impact of MUP on off-trade alcohol sales (as a proxy for consumption) after its first year.

DESIGN, SETTING AND PARTICIPANTS

Controlled interrupted time-series regression was used to assess the impact of MUP on alcohol sales among off-trade retailers in Scotland in the year after it was introduced, with England and Wales (EW) being the control group. In adjusted analyses, we included household disposable income, on-trade alcohol sales and substitution between beverage categories as covariates.

MEASUREMENTS

Weekly data on the volume of pure alcohol sold by off-trade retailers in Scotland and EW between January 2013 and May 2019, expressed as litres of pure alcohol per adult.

FINDINGS

The introduction of MUP in Scotland was associated with a 3.5% [95% confidence interval (CI) = 2.2-4.9%] reduction in off-trade alcohol sales per adult after adjustment for the best available geographical control, disposable income and substitution. In unadjusted analysis, the introduction of MUP was associated with a 2.0% (95% CI = 0.4-3.6%) reduction in off-trade alcohol sales per adult in Scotland. In EW, there was a 2.4% (95% CI = 0.8-4.0%) increase during the same time-period. The reduction in off-trade alcohol sales in Scotland was driven by reduced sales of spirits, cider and perry beverage categories.

CONCLUSION

The implementation of minimum unit pricing for alcohol in Scotland in 2018 appears to have been associated with a reduction in off-trade alcohol sales after its first year.

Changes in Hospital Discharges with Alcohol-Related Liver Disease in a Gastroenterology and General Medical Unit Following the Introduction of Minimum Unit Pricing of Alcohol: The GRI Q4 Study

AIMS

Minimum unit price (MUP) of 50 pence per unit of alcohol was introduced in Scotland on the 1 May 2018. We assessed alcohol-related liver disease (ArLD) discharges from Glasgow Royal Infirmary (GRI) before and after the introduction of MUP.

METHODS

Medical records of all patients discharged from Gastroenterology wards at GRI in the fourth quarter (Q4) of the years 2015-2019 were reviewed. All patients with ArLD were identified, and detailed hospitalization data were collected retrospectively. Active drinking, severity scores, presence of alcoholic hepatitis (AH) and 90-day mortality and readmission rates were assessed.

RESULTS

There were fewer ArLD discharges per quarter after MUP than before (mean 80.3 pre-MUP; mean 68 post-MUP), and the proportion of active drinkers was lower post-MUP (64.7 vs. 70.5%). There was a significant fall in the mean number of weekly discharges of individual patients who were actively drinking (4.0 ± 2.0 pre-MUP, 2.8 ± 1.5 post-MUP, P = 0.01). There were no differences in the proportion of patients presenting with ascites, encephalopathy or AH; however, there was a reduction in presentations with acute upper gastrointestinal bleeding from 15.8% pre-MUP to 7.4% post-MUP (P = 0.02; odds ratio 0.42). Severity of liver disease remained unchanged. The 90-day mortality and readmission rates were not significantly different.

CONCLUSION

Since the introduction of MUP there has been a reduction in the absolute numbers of patients discharged with ArLD and the number of individual patients involved at GRI. The pattern of clinical presentation was largely unaffected with overall ArLD severity, readmission rates and 90-day mortality similar pre- and post-MUP.

Alcohol affordability: implications for alcohol price policies. A cross-sectional analysis in middle and older adults from UK Biobank

Background

Increasing the price of alcohol reduces alcohol consumption and harm. The role of food complementarity, transaction costs and inflation on alcohol demand are determined and discussed in relation to alcohol price policies.

Methods

UK Biobank (N = 502,628) was linked by region to retail price quotes for the years 2007 to 2010. The log residual food and alcohol prices, and alcohol availability were regressed onto log daily alcohol consumption. Model standard errors were adjusted for clustering by region.

Results

Associations with alcohol consumption were found for alcohol price (β = −0.56, 95% CI, −0.92 to −0.20) and availability (β = 0.06, 95% CI, 0.04 to 0.07). Introducing, food price reduced the alcohol price consumption association (β = −0.26, 95% CI, −0.50 to −0.03). Alcohol (B = 0.001, 95% CI, 0.0004 to 0.001) and food (B = 0.001, 95% CI, 0.0005 to 0.0006) price increased with time and were associated (ρ = 0.57, P < 0.001).

Conclusion

Alcohol and food are complements, and the price elasticity of alcohol reduces when the effect of food price is accounted for. Transaction costs did not affect the alcohol price consumption relationship. Fixed alcohol price policies are susceptible to inflation.

The impact of a minimum unit price on wholesale alcohol supply trends in the Northern Territory, Australia

OBJECTIVE

The Northern Territory (NT) Government introduced a minimum unit price (MUP) of $1.30 per standard drink (10g pure alcohol) explicitly aimed at reducing the consumption of cheap wine products from October 2018. We aimed to assess the impact of the NT MUP on estimates of beverage-specific population-adjusted alcohol consumption using wholesale alcohol supply data.

METHODS

Interrupted time series analyses were conducted to examine MUP effects on trends in estimated per capita alcohol consumption (PCAC) for cask wine, total wine and total alcohol, across the NT and in the Darwin/Palmerston region.

RESULTS

Significant step decreases were found for cask wine and total wine PCAC in Darwin/Palmerston and across the Northern Territory. PCAC of cask wine decreased by 50.6% in the NT, and by 48.8% in Darwin/Palmerston compared to the prior year. PCAC for other beverages (e.g. beer) were largely unaffected by MUP. Overall, PCAC across the Territory declined, but not in Darwin/Palmerston.

CONCLUSION

With minimal implementation costs, the Northern Territory Government's MUP policy successfully targeted and reduced cask wine and total wine consumption. Cask wine, in particular, almost halved in Darwin/Palmerston where the impact of the MUP was able to be determined and considering other interventions. Implications for public health: Implementation of a minimum unit price for retail alcohol sales is a cost-effective way to reduce the consumption of high alcohol content and high-risk products, such as cheap cask wine.

A Scoping Review of "Responsible Drinking" Interventions

Public health groups, researchers, the beverage alcohol industry, and other stakeholders have promoted and applied the concept of "responsible drinking" for the past 50 years. However, little is known about the state of the existing responsible drinking evaluation research and its application to policy and practice. This project provides a scoping review of studies evaluating responsible drinking interventions. Two primary research questions guided this investigation: (1) To what extent have authors attempted to define the concept of responsible drinking while evaluating responsible drinking interventions? and (2) What is the state of the responsible drinking intervention evaluation literature? We retrieved 49 peer-reviewed articles that evaluated interventions designed to promote "responsible drinking." Four articles provided, or attempted to provide, an explicit definition of responsible drinking; these four definitions lacked consensus. The existing responsible drinking interventions varied considerably in terms of the messages they attempted to convey (e.g., avoid binge drinking, use protective behavioral strategies, stick to relatively safe drinking limits), again suggesting lack of consensus. We observed greater consensus concerning the approach to evaluating responsible drinking interventions: studies typically recruited college students to complete brief, well-controlled experiments and measured potential predictors of drinking behavior (e.g., attitudes, expectancies, intentions) rather than actual drinking behavior. We discuss limitations of this methodological approach and the need for greater consensus regarding the concept of responsible drinking.

The effect of alcohol policy on intensive care unit admission patterns in Central Australia: A before-after cross-sectional study

Alcohol misuse is a disproportionately large contributor to morbidity and mortality in the Northern Territory. A number of alcohol harm minimisation policies have been implemented in recent years. The effect of these on intensive care unit (ICU) admissions has not been fully explored. A retrospective before-after cross-sectional study was conducted at the Alice Springs Hospital ICU between 1 October 2017 and 30 September 2019. The primary outcome was the proportion of admissions in which alcohol misuse was a contributing factor in the 12 months before (pre-reforms phase) versus the 12 months following (post-reforms phase) implementation of alcohol legislation reforms. Secondary outcomes were measures of critical care resource use (length of stay, need for and duration of mechanical ventilation). After exclusions, 1323 ICU admissions were analysed. There was a reduction in the proportion of admissions associated with alcohol misuse between the pre-reforms and post-reforms phases (18.8% versus 11.7%, P < 0.01). This was true for both acute (10.6% versus 3.6%, P < 0.01) and chronic misuse (13.3% versus 9.6%, P = 0.03). Rates of mechanical ventilation were unchanged during the post-reforms phase (18.3% versus 14.7%). Admissions with a primary diagnosis of trauma were lower (10.5% versus 4.7%, P < 0.01). This study demonstrated a reduction in ICU admissions associated with alcohol misuse following the implementation of new alcohol harm minimisation policies. This apparent reduction in alcohol-related harm is suggestive of the effectiveness of the Northern Territory's integrated alcohol harm reduction framework.

The early impact of Scotland's minimum unit pricing policy on alcohol prices and sales

In May 2018, Scotland became the first country in the world to enforce a minimum unit pricing (MUP) of 50 pence ($0.65; €0.55) on alcoholic beverages as a measure to control alcohol consumption and alcohol-related harms. This study presents early estimates of the impact of MUP on three outcomes: average price per unit (8 gr/10 ml) of alcohol, liters of alcohol sold per adult, and liters of alcohol sold per adult drinker, in three different settings: off-premise, on-premise, and both combined. Using yearly alcohol price and sales data from 2011 to 2019, I find that the average price per unit of alcohol has significantly risen post-MUP across all beverage categories (beer, spirits, wine, cider, and alcohol-all types), whereas liters of alcohol sold per adult and per adult drinker have significantly reduced for beer, spirits, cider, and alcohol-all types. For all outcomes, the impact of MUP on off-premise alcohol prices and sales is more pronounced than under the combined case, while no significant effects are found on-premise. These results are robust to model specification and to the addition of various control variables. Falsification tests changing the timing of the policy were performed and no significant results were found.

Modelling the effects of alcohol pricing policies on alcohol consumption in subpopulations in Australia

AIMS

To model the effects of a range of alcohol pricing policies on alcohol consumption in subpopulation groups (e.g. alcohol consumption pattern, and age and income groups) in Australia.

DESIGN

We used estimated price elasticities to model the effects of proposed pricing policies on consumption for 11 beverage categories among subpopulation groups.

SETTING

Australia.

PARTICIPANTS

A total of 1789 adults (16+ years) who reported they purchased and consumed alcohol in the 2013 Australian International Alcohol Control Study, an adult population survey.

MEASUREMENTS

Mean and percentage changes in alcohol consumption were estimated for each scenario across subgroups. The policy scenarios evaluated included: (1) increasing the excise rate 10% for all off-premise beverages; (2) replacing the wine equalization tax with a volumetric excise rate equal to the current spirits tax rate; (3) applying a uniform excise tax rate to all beverages equal to the current sprits tax rate and a 10 or 20% increase in it; and(4) introducing a minimum unit price (MUP) on all beverages categories at $1.00, 1.30 or 1.50.

FINDINGS

The effects of different tax and MUP policies varied greatly across different subgroups. The effects of the MUP policy on alcohol consumption increased rapidly in the range from $1.00 to $1.50. Applying a uniform tax rate across all beverages equal to current spirits tax rate, or a 10 or 20% increase beyond that, could generate large reductions in overall alcohol consumption in Australia. Compared with the uniform tax rate with or without further tax increase, introducing a MUP at $1.30 or $1.50 could reduce consumption particularly among harmful drinkers and lower-income drinkers, with comparatively smaller impacts on moderate and higher-income drinkers.

CONCLUSIONS

Both uniform excise tax and minimum unit price policies are predicted to reduce alcohol consumption in Australia. Minimum unit price policies are predicted to have a greater impact on drinking among harmful drinkers than moderate drinkers.

Evaluation of Minimum Unit Pricing of Alcohol: A Mixed Method Natural Experiment in Scotland

In May 2018, Scotland became the first country in the world to implement minimum unit pricing (MUP) for all alcoholic drinks sold in licensed premises in Scotland. The use of a Sunset Clause in the MUP legislation was a factor in successfully resisting legal challenges by indicating that the final decision on a novel policy would depend on its impact. An overarching evaluation has been designed and the results will provide important evidence to inform the parliamentary vote on the future of MUP in Scotland. The evaluation uses a mixed methods portfolio of in-house, commissioned, and separately funded studies to assess the impact of MUP across multiple intended and unintended outcomes related to compliance, the alcoholic drinks industry, consumption, and health and social harms. Quantitative studies to measure impact use a suitable control where feasible. Qualitative studies assess impact and provide an understanding of the lived experience and mechanism of change for key sub-groups. As well as providing important evidence to inform the parliamentary vote, adding to the international evidence on impact and experience of alcohol pricing policy across a broad range of outcomes, this approach to evaluating novel policy interventions may provide guidance for future policy innovations.

Micro-level factors associated with alcohol use and binge drinking among youth in the COMPASS study (2012/13 to 2017/18)

INTRODUCTION

This study examined the associations of micro-level factors with current alcohol use and binge drinking among a large sample of Canadian youth.

METHODS

This descriptive-analytical study was conducted among high school students enrolled in the COMPASS study between 2012/13 and 2017/18. We used generalized estimating equations modelling to determine associations between micro-level factors and likelihood of current versus non-current alcohol use and binge drinking among respondents.

RESULTS

Students reporting current cannabis use were more likely to report current alcohol use over never use (odds ratio [OR] = 4.46, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 4.33-4.60) compared to students reporting non-current cannabis use. Students reporting current smoking of tobacco products were more likely to report current binge drinking over never binge drinking (OR = 2.52, 95% CI: 2.45-2.58), compared to non-smoking students. Students reporting weekly disposable incomes of more than $100 were more likely to report current over never binge drinking (OR = 2.14, 95% CI: 2.09-2.19), compared to students reporting no weekly disposable income.

CONCLUSION

Higher disposable incomes, smoking of tobacco products and use of cannabis were associated with current alcohol use and binge drinking among youth. Findings may inform design of polysubstance use prevention efforts in high schools.

Increasing the Price of Alcohol as an Obesity Prevention Measure: The Potential Cost-Effectiveness of Introducing a Uniform Volumetric Tax and a Minimum Floor Price on Alcohol in Australia

The objective of this study was to estimate, from an obesity prevention perspective, the cost-effectiveness of two potential policies that increase the price of alcohol in Australia: a volumetric tax applied to all alcohol (Intervention 1) and a minimum unit floor price (Intervention 2). Estimated changes in alcoholic drink consumption and corresponding changes in energy intake were calculated using the 2011-12 Australian Health Survey data, published price elasticities, and nutrition information. The incremental changes in body mass index (BMI), BMI-related disease outcomes, healthcare costs, and Health Adjusted Life Years (HALYs) were estimated using a validated model. Costs associated with each intervention were estimated for government and industry. Both interventions were estimated to lead to reductions in mean alcohol consumption (Intervention 1: 20.7% (95% Uncertainty Interval (UI): 20.2% to 21.1%); Intervention 2: 9.2% (95% UI: 8.9% to 9.6%); reductions in mean population body weight (Intervention 1: 0.9 kg (95% UI: 0.84 to 0.96); Intervention 2: 0.45 kg (95% UI: 0.42 to 0.48)); HALYs gained (Intervention 1: 566,648 (95% UI: 497,431 to 647,262); Intervention 2: 317,653 (95% UI: 276,334 to 361,573)); and healthcare cost savings (Intervention 1: $5.8 billion (B) (95% UI: $5.1B to $6.6B); Intervention 2: $3.3B (95% UI: $2.9B to $3.7B)). Intervention costs were estimated as $24M for Intervention 1 and $30M for Intervention 2. Both interventions were dominant, resulting in health gains and cost savings. Increasing the price of alcohol is likely to be cost-effective from an obesity prevention perspective in the Australian context, provided consumers substitute alcoholic beverages with low or no kilojoule alternatives.

Improving Knowledge that Alcohol Can Cause Cancer is Associated with Consumer Support for Alcohol Policies: Findings from a Real-World Alcohol Labelling Study

Knowledge that alcohol can cause cancer is low in Canada. Alcohol labels are one strategy for communicating alcohol-related harms, including cancer. Extending existing research observing an association between knowledge of the alcohol-cancer link and support for alcohol policies, this study examined whether increases in individual-level knowledge that alcohol is a carcinogen following an alcohol labelling intervention are associated with support for alcohol polices. Cancer warning labels were applied to alcohol containers at the intervention site, and the comparison site did not apply cancer labels. Pre-post surveys were conducted among liquor store patrons at both sites before and two-and six-months after the intervention was stopped due to alcohol industry interference. Limiting the data to participants that completed surveys both before and two-months after the cancer label stopped, logistic regression was used to examine the association between increases in knowledge and support for policies. Support for pricing and availability policies was low overall; however, increases in individual-level knowledge of the alcohol-cancer link was associated with higher levels of support for pricing policies, specifically, setting a minimum unit price per standard drink of alcohol (OR = 1.86, 95% CI: 1.11-3.12). Improving knowledge that alcohol can cause cancer using labels may increase support for alcohol policies. International Registered Report Identifier (IRRID): RR2-10.2196/16320.

Heterogenous wealth effects of minimum unit price on purchase of alcohol: Evidence using scanner data

One of the key arguments given to oppose the "sin taxes" is that they are regressive in nature and place disproportionately higher cost on the poor thereby reducing their net wealth. The response to a reduction in net wealth attributed to tax can potentially have significant effects through an increase in alcohol purchase by heavy drinkers reinforcing or even offsetting the direct price or substitution effect of these taxes in reducing alcohol consumption. Comparatively little is known empirically about the net wealth effect associated with changes in alcohol tax policy, and this study aims to help fill this gap in the literature. In this study we aim to estimate how the wealth effects of introducing a minimum unit price (MUP) of A$2.00 per standard drink vary over the distribution (quantiles) of alcohol consumers. The data used in this study is a longitudinal panel of 1,395 households' daily alcohol purchases (scanner data) recorded over a full year. Our analysis involves (i) quantile regression to estimate income elasticity over the distribution of consumption, and (ii) using these elasticities to estimate the potential wealth effects of a hypothetical change in alcohol prices from introducing an MUP policy. We control for consumer demographic characteristics, alcohol product prices and prices of close substitutes, and quarterly seasonal effects. We find that the estimated wealth effect from increasing the price of alcohol under a MUP policy is not significant at any point over the distribution of alcohol consumers. The policy increases per capita tax impact by less than A$5.00 per week for light/moderate consumers (50th-80th quantile) and decreases their daily per capita alcohol consumption by less than 0.02 standard drinks. Wealth effects attributable to an MUP policy are likely to be negligible. Substitution effects of the policy dominate the wealth effects in generating key health related outcomes such as reductions in alcohol consumption.

Alcohol Outlet Density and Area-Level Heavy Drinking Are Independent Risk Factors for Higher Alcohol-Related Complaints

Alcohol outlet density has well-documented associations with social and health indicators such as crime and injury. However, significantly less is known about the relationships among alcohol-related complaints. Bayesian hierarchical Poisson regression with spatial autocorrelation was used to model the association between on- and off-premises alcohol outlet density and area-level prevalence of current drinkers and heavy drinking, and graffiti density-an indicator of physical disorder-in association with calls from civilians reporting illegal use, alcohol sales, and other alcohol-related activities (hereafter alcohol-related complaints). Complaints were separated into two groups based on whether they occurred at (a) clubs/bars/restaurants or (b) elsewhere. Alcohol-related complaints and graffiti were collected from NYC Open Data. Alcohol density data are from ESRI Business Analyst and information on the prevalence of drinking from the New York City Community Health Survey. The unit of analysis consisted of ZIP codes in New York City (n = 167), and the design was a cross-sectional analysis of aggregated data between 2009 and 2015. In multivariable models, a one-unit increase in off-premises alcohol outlet density was associated with a 47% higher risk of alcohol-related complaints at clubs, bars, and restaurants [rate ratio (RR = 1.46, 95% CI = 1.21, 1.77)]. Area-level prevalence of heavy drinking was associated with a 59% higher risk of alcohol-related complaints at the club, bars, and restaurants (RR = 1.59, 95% CI = 1.34, 1.86) and a 40% higher risk of complaints elsewhere (RR = 1.40, 95% CI = 1.20, 1.63). In New York City, area-level heavy drinking prevalence is a strong independent mechanism that links alcohol outlet density to alcohol-related complaints. Area-level heavy drinking should be investigated as a predictor of other public health problems such as drug overdose mortality.

Immediate impact of minimum unit pricing on alcohol purchases in Scotland: controlled interrupted time series analysis for 2015-18

OBJECTIVE

To assess the immediate impact of the introduction of minimum unit pricing in Scotland on household alcohol purchases.

DESIGN

Controlled interrupted time series analysis.

SETTING

Purchase data from Kantar Worldpanel's household shopping panel for 2015-18.

PARTICIPANTS

5325 Scottish households, 54 807 English households as controls, and 10 040 households in northern England to control for potential cross border effects.

INTERVENTIONS

Introduction of a minimum price of 50p (€0.55; $0.61) per UK unit (6.25p per gram) for the sale of alcohol in Scotland on 1 May 2018.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES

Price per gram of alcohol, number of grams of alcohol purchased from off-trade by households, and weekly household expenditure on alcohol.

RESULTS

The introduction of minimum unit pricing in Scotland was associated with an increase in purchase price of 0.64p per gram of alcohol (95% confidence interval 0.54 to 0.75), a reduction in weekly purchases of 9.5 g of alcohol per adult per household (5.1 to 13.9), and a non-significant increase in weekly expenditure on alcohol per household of 61p (-5 to 127). The increase in purchase price was higher in lower income households and in households that purchased the largest amount of alcohol. The reduction in purchased grams of alcohol was greater in lower income households and only occurred in the top fifth of households by income that purchased the greatest amount of alcohol, where the reduction was 15 g of alcohol per week (6 to 24). Changes in weekly expenditure were not systematically related to household income but increased with increasing household purchases.

CONCLUSIONS

In terms of immediate impact, the introduction of minimum unit pricing appears to have been successful in reducing the amount of alcohol purchased by households in Scotland. The action was targeted, in that reductions of purchased alcohol only occurred in the households that bought the most alcohol.

Can a mass media campaign raise awareness of alcohol as a risk factor for cancer and public support for alcohol related policies?

Alcohol consumption increases the risk of several cancers, but public awareness of alcohol as a risk factor for cancer is low. Research indicates that public opinion about alcohol related policies can be influenced by mass media campaigns and awareness of alcohol as a carcinogen. The objective of this study was to test whether a mass media campaign intended to raise awareness of the relation between alcohol and cancer is associated with higher public awareness of alcohol as a risk factor for cancer, and higher levels of support for alcohol related policies. Cross-sectional surveys of a nationally representative sample of N = 6000 Danish adults were conducted pre- (n = 3000) and post campaign (n = 3000) in 2017-2018. Awareness of alcohol as a cancer risk factor significantly increased between the pre and post campaign survey (approximately 5 percentage points). The proportion of respondents who supported minimum unit pricing, a ban on alcohol advertising, and mandatory nutrition labelling was significantly higher post campaign than pre campaign, while support for limited number of retail outlets and limited sale hours were unchanged. For males, but not females, higher support for an 18 year age limit for purchasing alcohol, age limits for buying alcohol at secondary education school parties, and increased enforcement of age limits was found after the campaign than prior to it. Conclusively, the results show that a mass media campaign was associated with an increase in awareness of alcohol as a risk factor for cancer as well as alcohol policy support at a population level.

A "buck a beer," but at what cost to public health?

Alcohol use leads to a substantial number of hospitalizations, and to increased health and social harms as well as economic costs in Ontario and across Canada. The effects of alcohol price changes on consumption and resulting harms have been firmly established; changes in the minimum price of alcohol have the greatest effect on consumption among people who for reasons of affordability consume low-priced alcoholic beverages, typically adolescents, people with lower socio-economic status, and people with harmful alcohol use. Decreases in inflation-adjusted minimum pricing in British Columbia from 2002 to 2006 have been associated with increases in deaths wholly attributable to alcohol. Furthermore, decreases in alcohol prices have been previously associated with increases in drink-driving, decreases in life expectancy, increases in road traffic injuries, violence, and alcohol poisonings, and long-term increases in deaths from infectious diseases, circulatory diseases, and digestive diseases. Based on the findings of previous studies, lowering the cost of alcohol will negatively impact the health of Ontarians and further strain a healthcare system with limited resources. Accordingly, Ontario should be strengthening alcohol policies to improve public health, including raising the minimum price of alcohol, rather than weakening alcohol policies.

Minimum unit prices for alcohol

Minimum unit prices (MUPs) have been proposed on the grounds that they can reduce alcohol consumption of the heaviest drinkers, without significantly burdening moderate drinkers. This paper examines the case for MUPs in an optimal tax framework. Such a policy can improve welfare when two conditions are both satisfied. First, beverage quality and quantity should be substitutes. Second, there should be more distortion to consumption of cheaper alcohol than to more expensive varieties. The consequences of a MUP for the optimal corrective tax are explored with a calibrated numerical example. This example illustrates how the optimal tax rate might be higher when used in isolation, than when a MUP is also being used.

Evaluating possible intended and unintended consequences of the implementation of alcohol minimum unit pricing (MUP) in Scotland: a natural experiment protocol

INTRODUCTION

Scotland is the first country to carry out a national implementation of minimum unit pricing (MUP) for alcohol. MUP aims to reduce alcohol-related harms, which are high in Scotland compared with Western Europe, and to improve health equalities. MUP is a minimum retail price per unit of alcohol. That approach targets high-risk alcohol users. This work is key to a wider evaluation that will determine whether MUP continues. There are three study components.

METHODS AND ANALYSIS

Component 1 sampled an estimated 2800 interviewees at a baseline and each of two follow-ups from four Emergency Departments in Scotland and Northern England. Research nurses administered a standardised survey to assess alcohol consumption and the proportion of attendances that were alcohol-related.Component 2 covered six Sexual Health Clinics with similar timings and country allocation. A self-completion survey gathered information on potential unintended effects of MUP on alcohol source and drug use.Using a natural experiment design and repeated cross-sectional audit, difference between Scotland (intervention) and North England (control) will be tested for outcomes using regression adjusting for differences at baseline. Differential impacts by age, gender and socioeconomic position will be investigated.Component 3 used focus groups with young people and heavy drinkers and interviews with stakeholders before and after MUP implementation. The focus groups will allow exploration of attitudes, experiences and behaviours and the potential mechanisms by which impacts arise. The interviews will help characterise the implementation process.

ETHICS AND DISSEMINATION

Study components 1 and 2 have been ethically approved by the NHS, and component 3 by the University of Stirling. Dissemination plans include peer-reviewed journal articles, presentations, policy maker briefings and, in view of high public interest and the high political profile of this flagship policy, communication with the public via media engagement and plain language summaries.

TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER

ISRCTN16039407; Pre-results.

Fiscal measures to promote healthier choices: an economic perspective on price-based interventions

INTRODUCTION

Non-communicable diseases strongly linked to lifestyle factors create an increasing burden of disease. Fiscal interventions (tax and subsidy) are one approach to improving lifestyles, but their effective design might be improved.

ECONOMIC FRAMEWORK

Conventional economic theory suggests that fiscal interventions are only used to correct prices for externalities (costs or benefits imposed on others). These can be difficult to calculate accurately. Fiscal interventions operate by altering the prices that consumers face. Price increases are predicted to reduce demand, and the size of the effect is measured by the price elasticity. Tax changes may not translate directly into price changes, however.

EVIDENCE FOR THE EFFECT OF TAXES, SUBSIDIES AND PRICES

There is strong evidence for the effectiveness of taxation in relation to reducing tobacco and alcohol consumption and resulting harms. There has been less evaluation of taxation in relation to other unhealthy behaviors or of subsidies to promote healthy behaviors.

DISCUSSION

Fiscal levers have been used as interventions to improve health rather than for market correction. Taking account of behavioral insights may improve the design of fiscal interventions and combining interventions may increase effectiveness.

CONCLUSION

Both types of intervention have a role in improving health, but there may be challenges in promoting uptake of healthy behaviors.

Light and heavy drinking in jurisdictions with different alcohol policy environments

BACKGROUND

A basic, yet untested tenet underlying alcohol control policies is that they should affect both light and heavy drinking, thereby shifting the entire population in a favourable direction. The aim of this study was to test this assumption in young Swiss men.

METHODS

Cross-sectional self-reported data - from 5755 young Swiss men participating in the Cohort Study on Substance Use Risk Factors (C-SURF), a large cohort study on young men living within 21 jurisdictions across Switzerland - were analysed via nested logistic regression. With this approach, a set of increasingly-heavy drinking patterns was broken down into a set of nested regression models, each one estimating the probability of heavier drinking, conditional on the lighter drinking pattern. Drinking patterns relating to heavy episodic drinking (HED), heavy volume drinking (HVD) on weekends, and workweek drinking, as well as alcohol use disorder (AUD) were examined. The explanatory variable was a previously-used alcohol policy environment index (APEI) reflecting the number of alcohol control policies implemented in each jurisdiction. Conventional and multilevel logistic regression models were tested, adjusted for age, education, linguistic region, urban/rural status, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, depression, sensation seeking, antisocial personality disorder, and unobserved heterogeneity between jurisdictions.

RESULTS

For HED, weekend HVD, and AUD, negative relationships with the APEI were found, such that with a higher APEI the probability of lighter drinking patterns was increased while the probability of heavier patterns was reduced, including a reduced probability of the heaviest patterns. These relationships were non-linear, however, and tapered off towards the heavy end of the drinking spectrum. No relationship was identified between the APEI and workweek drinking patterns.

CONCLUSION

Among young Swiss men, stricter alcohol policy environments were associated with a global shift towards lighter drinking, consistent with the basic tenet behind the universal prevention approach.

Attitudes and beliefs towards alcohol minimum pricing in Western Australia

Modelling data have provided good evidence to support the efficacy of a minimum pricing policy for alcoholic beverages as a means to reduce alcohol consumption and risky and harmful drinking. The aim of the present study was to investigate attitudes and beliefs towards a minimum price policy for alcohol among members of the general public in Western Australia (WA). The study also explored what factors might promote acceptance of the policy. Eleven focus groups, comprising participants from a broad range of backgrounds in WA, were conducted. Using a facilitator-administered semi-structured interview schedule participants discussed their beliefs about the policy and how its acceptability might be promoted. Transcriptions of discussions were analysed using qualitative inductive content analysis for emergent themes. Three major themes emerged: attitudes towards the policy, beliefs about effectiveness and strategies to increase acceptability. Participants expressed negative attitudes towards the policy and thought that it would lead to increased crime, drug use and financial strain. Participants identified the policy as unfair on disadvantaged groups, and suggested that individuals would find a way to procure alcohol regardless of minimum pricing policies. Suggestions to make the policy more acceptable included increasing alcohol education and directing the revenue towards alcohol reduction initiatives. Participants' negative views and perceived lack of effectiveness corroborate research conducted in the UK. Information and education campaigns aimed at reducing misunderstanding of the policy and highlighting its effectiveness may help to promote greater acceptability.

The contribution of alcohol use disorder to decompensated cirrhosis among people with hepatitis C: An international study

BACKGROUND & AIMS

The advent of direct-acting antivirals (DAAs) has led to ambitious targets for hepatitis C virus (HCV) elimination. However, in the context of alcohol use disorder the ability of DAAs to achieve these targets may be compromised. The aim of this study was to evaluate the contribution of alcohol use disorder to HCV-related decompensated cirrhosis in three settings.

METHODS

HCV notifications from British Columbia, Canada; New South Wales, Australia, and Scotland (1995-2011/2012/2013, respectively) were linked to hospital admissions (2001-2012/2013/2014, respectively). Alcohol use disorder was defined as non-liver-related hospitalisation due to alcohol use. Age-standardised decompensated cirrhosis incidence rates were plotted, associated factors were assessed using Cox regression, and alcohol use disorder-associated population attributable fractions (PAFs) were computed.

RESULTS

Among 58,487, 84,529, and 31,924 people with HCV in British Columbia, New South Wales, and Scotland, 2,689 (4.6%), 3,169 (3.7%), and 1,375 (4.3%) had a decompensated cirrhosis diagnosis, and 28%, 32%, and 50% of those with decompensated cirrhosis had an alcohol use disorder, respectively. Age-standardised decompensated cirrhosis incidence rates were considerably higher in people with alcohol use disorder in New South Wales and Scotland. Decompensated cirrhosis was independently associated with alcohol use disorder in British Columbia (aHR 1.92; 95% CI 1.76-2.10), New South Wales (aHR 3.68; 95% CI 3.38-4.00) and Scotland (aHR 3.88; 95% CI 3.42-4.40). The PAFs of decompensated cirrhosis-related to alcohol use disorder were 13%, 25%, and 40% in British Columbia, New South Wales and Scotland, respectively.

CONCLUSIONS

Alcohol use disorder was a major contributor to HCV liver disease burden in all settings, more distinctly in Scotland. The extent to which alcohol use would compromise the individual and population-level benefits of DAA therapy needs to be closely monitored. Countries, where appropriate, must develop strategies combining promotion of DAA treatment uptake with management of alcohol use disorders, if World Health Organization 2030 HCV mortality reduction targets are going to be achieved.

LAY SUMMARY

The burden of liver disease has been rising among people with hepatitis C globally. The recent introduction of highly effective medicines against hepatitis C (called direct-acting antivirals or DAAs) has brought renewed optimism to the sector. DAA scale-up could eliminate hepatitis C as a public health threat in the coming decades. However, our findings show heavy alcohol use is a major risk factor for liver disease among people with hepatitis C. If continued, heavy alcohol use could compromise the benefits of new antiviral treatments at the individual- and population-level. To tackle hepatitis C as a public health threat, where needed, DAA therapy should be combined with management of heavy alcohol use.

The effect on emergency department visits of raised alcohol minimum prices in Saskatchewan, Canada

INTRODUCTION AND AIMS

The province of Saskatchewan, Canada introduced minimum prices graded by alcohol strength in April 2010. As previous research found this intervention significantly decreased alcohol consumption and alcohol-attributable morbidity, we aim to test the association between the intervention and the rate of emergency department (ED) visits in four alcohol-related injury categories [motor vehicle collisions (MVC), assaults, falls and total alcohol-related injuries].

DESIGN AND METHODS

Data on ED visits in the city of Regina were obtained from the Saskatchewan Ministry of Health. Auto-regressive integrated moving average time series models were used to test the immediate and lagged effects of the pricing intervention on rates of alcohol-related nighttime. ED visits and controlled for daytime rates of ED visits, economic variables, linear and seasonal trends, and auto-regressive and moving average effects.

RESULTS

The implementation of an alcohol minimum pricing strategy in Saskatchewan was associated with decreased MVC-related ED visits for women aged 26 and over after a 6 month lag period (-39.4%, P < 0.001). There was no significant abrupt effect of this intervention on ED visits of four injury types in any of four gender-age categories; however, rates of ED visits among young males for MVCs and assaults decreased substantially during this study.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

The minimum pricing policy change led to a lagged decrease in motor vehicle-collision-related ED visits for women older than 25. Of note, there did not appear to be an instantaneous effect on the rate of alcohol-related injury ED visits immediately after the policy implementation nor lagged effects for other gender-age groups.

How do people with homelessness and alcohol dependence cope when alcohol is unaffordable? A comparison of residents of Canadian managed alcohol programs and locally recruited controls

INTRODUCTION AND AIMS

We investigated coping strategies used by alcohol-dependent and unstably housed people when they could not afford alcohol, and how managed alcohol program (MAP) participation influenced these. The aim of this study was to investigate potential negative unintended consequences of alcohol being unaffordable.

DESIGN AND METHODS

A total of 175 MAP residents in five Canadian cities and 189 control participants from nearby shelters were interviewed about the frequency they used 10 coping strategies when unable to afford alcohol. Length of stay in a MAP was examined as a predictor of negative coping while controlling for age, sex, ethnicity, housing stability, spending money and drinks per day. Multivariate binary logistic and linear regression models were used.

RESULTS

Most commonly reported strategies were re-budgeting (53%), waiting for money (49%) or going without alcohol (48%). A significant proportion used illicit drugs (41%) and/or drank non-beverage alcohol (41%). Stealing alcohol or property was less common. Long-term MAP participants (>2 months) exhibited lower negative coping scores than controls (8.76 vs. 10.63, P < 0.001) and were less likely to use illicit drugs [odds ratio (OR) 0.50, P = 0.02], steal from liquor stores (OR 0.50, P = 0.04), re-budget (OR 0.36, P < 0.001) or steal property (OR 0.40, P = 0.07). Long-term MAP participants were also more likely to seek treatment (OR 1.91, P = 0.03) and less likely to go without alcohol (OR 0.47, P = 0.01).

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

People experiencing alcohol dependence and housing instability more often reduced their alcohol consumption than used harmful coping when alcohol was unaffordable. MAP participation was associated with fewer potentially harmful coping strategies.

The impacts of minimum alcohol pricing on alcohol attributable morbidity in regions of British Colombia, Canada with low, medium and high mean family income

BACKGROUND AND AIMS

Previous research indicates that minimum alcohol pricing (MAP) is associated negatively with alcohol-attributable (AA) hospitalizations. Modeling studies predict that this association will be stronger for people on lower incomes. The objective of this study was to test whether the association between MAP and AA hospitalizations is greater in low-income regions.

DESIGN

Cross-sectional versus time-series analysis using multivariate multi-level effect models.

SETTING

All 89 Local Health Areas in British Columbia (BC), Canada, 2002-13 (48 quarters).

PARTICIPANTS

BC population.

MEASUREMENTS

Quarterly rates of AA hospital admissions, mean consumer price index-adjusted minimum dollars per standard alcoholic drink and socio-demographic covariates.

FINDINGS

Family income was related inversely to the effect of minimum prices on rates of some types of AA morbidity. A 1% price increase was associated with reductions of 3.547% [95% confidence interval (CI) = -5.719, -1.377; P < 0.01] in low family-income regions and 1.64% (95% CI = -2.765, -0.519; P < 0.01) across all income regions for 100% acute AA hospital admissions. Delayed (lagged) effects on chronic AA morbidity were found 2-3 years after minimum price increases for low income regions and all regions combined; a 1% increase in minimum price was associated with reductions of 2.242% (95% CI = -4.097, -0.388; P < 0.05) for 100% chronic AA and 2.474% (95% CI = -3.937, -1.011; P < 0.01) for partially chronic AA admissions for low-income regions.

CONCLUSION

In Canada, minimum price increases for alcohol are associated with reductions in alcohol attributable hospitalizations, especially for populations with lower income, both for immediate effects on acute hospitalizations and delayed effects on chronic hospitalizations.

Pricing as a means of controlling alcohol consumption

BACKGROUND

Reducing the affordability of alcohol, by increasing its price, is the most effective strategy for controlling alcohol consumption and reducing harm.

SOURCES OF DATA

We review meta-analyses and systematic reviews of alcohol tax/price effects from the past decade, and recent evaluations of tax/price policies in the UK, Canada and Australia.

AREAS OF AGREEMENT

While the magnitudes of price effects vary by sub-group and alcoholic beverage type, it has been consistently shown that price increases lead to reductions in alcohol consumption.

AREAS OF CONTROVERSY

There remains, however, a lack of consensus on the most appropriate taxation and pricing policy in many countries because of concerns about effects by different consumption level and income level and disagreement on policy design between parts of the alcoholic beverage industries.

GROWING POINTS

Recent developments in the research highlight the importance of obtaining accurate alcohol price data, reducing bias in estimating price responsiveness, and examining the impact on the heaviest drinkers.

AREAS TIMELY FOR DEVELOPING RESEARCH

There is a need for further research focusing on the substitution effects of taxation and pricing policies, estimation of the true tax pass-through rates, and empirical analysis of the supply-side response (from alcohol producers and retailers) to various alcohol pricing strategies.

Evidence for the effectiveness of minimum pricing of alcohol: a systematic review and assessment using the Bradford Hill criteria for causality

OBJECTIVES

To assess the evidence for price-based alcohol policy interventions to determine whether minimum unit pricing (MUP) is likely to be effective.

DESIGN

Systematic review and assessment of studies according to Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines, against the Bradford Hill criteria for causality. Three electronic databases were searched from inception to February 2017. Additional articles were found through hand searching and grey literature searches.

CRITERIA FOR SELECTING STUDIES

We included any study design that reported on the effect of price-based interventions on alcohol consumption or alcohol-related morbidity, mortality and wider harms. Studies reporting on the effects of taxation or affordability and studies that only investigated price elasticity of demand were beyond the scope of this review. Studies with any conflict of interest were excluded. All studies were appraised for methodological quality.

RESULTS

Of 517 studies assessed, 33 studies were included: 26 peer-reviewed research studies and seven from the grey literature. All nine of the Bradford Hill criteria were met, although different types of study satisfied different criteria. For example, modelling studies complied with the consistency and specificity criteria, time series analyses demonstrated the temporality and experiment criteria, and the analogy criterion was fulfilled by comparing the findings with the wider literature on taxation and affordability.

CONCLUSIONS

Overall, the Bradford Hill criteria for causality were satisfied. There was very little evidence that minimum alcohol prices are not associated with consumption or subsequent harms. However the overall quality of the evidence was variable, a large proportion of the evidence base has been produced by a small number of research teams, and the quantitative uncertainty in many estimates or forecasts is often poorly communicated outside the academic literature. Nonetheless, price-based alcohol policy interventions such as MUP are likely to reduce alcohol consumption, alcohol-related morbidity and mortality.

European Code against Cancer 4th Edition: Alcohol drinking and cancer

Alcohol consumption is the third leading risk factor for disease and mortality in Europe. As evaluated by the International Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC) Monographs, a causal relationship is established for consumption of alcoholic beverages and cancers of the oral cavity, pharynx, larynx, oesophagus, liver, colorectum and female breast, even at low and moderate alcohol intakes. The higher the amount of alcohol consumed, the higher the risk of developing cancer. In Europe, an estimated 10% (95% CI: 7%-13%) of all cancer cases in men and 3% (95% CI: 1%-5%) of all cancer cases in women are attributable to alcohol consumption. Several biological mechanisms explain the carcinogenicity of alcohol; among them, ethanol and its genotoxic metabolite, acetaldehyde, play a major role. Taking all this evidence into account, a recommendation of the 4th edition of European Code against Cancer is: "If you drink alcohol of any type, limit your intake. Not drinking alcohol is better for cancer prevention."

Assessing the impacts of Saskatchewan's minimum alcohol pricing regulations on alcohol-related crime

INTRODUCTION

Saskatchewan's introduction in April 2010 of minimum prices graded by alcohol strength led to an average minimum price increase of 9.1% per Canadian standard drink (=13.45 g ethanol). This increase was shown to be associated with reduced consumption and switching to lower alcohol content beverages. Police also informally reported marked reductions in night-time alcohol-related crime.

OBJECTIVES

This study aims to assess the impacts of changes to Saskatchewan's minimum alcohol-pricing regulations between 2008 and 2012 on selected crime events often related to alcohol use.

METHODS

Data were obtained from Canada's Uniform Crime Reporting Survey. Auto-regressive integrated moving average time series models were used to test immediate and lagged associations between minimum price increases and rates of night-time and police identified alcohol-related crimes. Controls were included for simultaneous crime rates in the neighbouring province of Alberta, economic variables, linear trend, seasonality and autoregressive and/or moving-average effects.

RESULTS

The introduction of increased minimum-alcohol prices was associated with an abrupt decrease in night-time alcohol-related traffic offences for men (-8.0%, P < 0.001), but not women. No significant immediate changes were observed for non-alcohol-related driving offences, disorderly conduct or violence. Significant monthly lagged effects were observed for violent offences (-19.7% at month 4 to -18.2% at month 6), which broadly corresponded to lagged effects in on-premise alcohol sales.

DISCUSSION

Increased minimum alcohol prices may contribute to reductions in alcohol-related traffic-related and violent crimes perpetrated by men. Observed lagged effects for violent incidents may be due to a delay in bars passing on increased prices to their customers, perhaps because of inventory stockpiling. [Stockwell T, Zhao J, Sherk A, Callaghan RC, Macdonald S, Gatley J. Assessing the impacts of Saskatchewan's minimum alcohol pricing regulations on alcohol-related crime. Drug Alcohol Rev 2017;36:492-501].